USTAŠA

This weblog is an online protest of Croatian patriots against the current Croatian government under the leadership of Dr. Ivo Sanader and Stipe Mesic who, in the name of democracy, wage a fruitless war against Croatian “fascists” by using the same fascist methods: police repression, destruction of monuments (Budak & Francetic), glorifying Tito’s butchers and curtailing the freedom of media.

nedjelja, siječnja 29, 2006

Ustaše i Titovi borci zajedno ratovali protiv Izraela! - VL. 23.XII. 2006

Vijesti Svijet
23.12.2005 19:00
SENZACIONALNO OTKRIĆE U prvom arapsko-izraelskom ratu 1948. sudjelovala i jedna jugoslavenska divizija, ali i ustaše

Ustaše i Titovi borci zajedno ratovali protiv Izraela!

Autor Hassan Haidar Diab
Kamel Rustomović oženio se Libanonkom Karimom



Iako je prošlo već petnaest godina od raspada Jugoslavije, u Beogradu se još pod strogim nadzorom čuvaju dosjei o tajnom djelovanju jugoslavenske vlasti. Kao što je poznato, bivša Jugoslavija na čelu s Josipom Brozom Titom, jednim od osnivača pokreta nesvrstanih, javno je podržavala sve oslobodilačke pokrete u svijetu, ali šira javnost nikad nije bila upoznata s činjenicom da su Tito i tadašnje vodstvo Jugoslavije slali dragovoljce da ratuju na strani tih oslobodilačkih pokreta.

Reporter Večernjeg lista došao je do senzacionalnog otkrića da je Josip Broz Tito 1948. godine poslao jednu diviziju sastavljenu od iskusnih i dobro izvježbanih partizana da ratuju na strani Arapa u I. arapsko-izraelskom ratu. Istodobno je skupina od 150 ustaša iz Handžar divizije, koji su u međuvremenu oslobođeni iz talijanskih logora, krenula istim putem – ratovati na strani Palestinaca i Arapa. Tako su u Vojsci spasa, koju je osnovala Arapska liga, rame uz rame protiv Izraelaca ratovali negdašnji ljuti neprijatelji – partizani i ustaše.

Zatražili politički azil
Mnogi od tih boraca koji su preživjeli arapsko-izraelski rat odbili su Titovu naredbu da se vrate u Jugoslaviju te su zatražili politički azil u Kanadi, Australiji i Americi, a malobrojni, koji su se u međuvremenu oženili, ostali su živjeti u Libanonu. Pripadnici ustaškog pokreta i nekadašnje Handžar divizije, suočeni s neizbježnim suđenjem u tadašnjoj Jugoslaviji, ostali su živjeti u zemljama Bliskog istoka. Jedan od njih je i Kamel Rustomović, bivši pripadnik Handžar divizije koji živi u Beirutu. Danas umirovljeni libanonski časnik, 78-godišnji Kamel, oženjen Libanonkom, otac sedam kćeri i petorice sinova, nerado se sjeća ratnih dana. Premda je već 57 godina izvan svoje domovine, Kamel izvrsno govori bosanski jezik, no inzistirao je da razgovaramo na arapskom.



– Rođen sam 12. rujna 1928. u Bosni, u malom selu Kuti, koje se nalazi između Han Pijeska i Sokolca. Kad je izbio Drugi svjetski rat, četnici su upali u moje selo, za dva sata zapalili 150 kuća i noževima poklali većinu mještana. Moja obitelj i ja uspjeli smo pobjeći u Sarajevo. Kao najstariji od braće, s nepunih šesnaest godina odlučio sam se osvetiti za sve nedužne ljude te sam se početkom rujna 1943. godine prijavio u Handžar diviziju. Kako je Handžar divizija tada surađivala s Nijemcima, njihova elitna postrojba SS pozvala je mene i nekolicinu mojih suboraca u svoje redove. Dobili smo moderno oružje te smo prebačeni na rusku frontu, gdje sam ostao do završetka rata.

Nakon što je rat završio, povukli smo se s ruske fronte te se predali Englezima, koji su nas poslali u vojni logor Grotalia u Italiji. Tamo sam ostao godinu dana, a potom su me prebacili u civilni zatvor Fermo, gdje sam se upoznao s mnogim ustašama koji su, kao i ja, ratovali na strani Nijemaca. Dok sam bio u u logoru, u Palestini je izbio arapsko-izraelski rat te sam se sa suborcima dogovorio da ćemo, ako preživimo logor, otići pomoći Palestincima u borbi protiv Izraelaca.

Uskoro smo zaista bili oslobođeni te je nas 150 krenulo prema Siriji, točnije u Damask. Iz Damaska su nas prebacili u palestinski grad Nablus, jer su se tamo vodile najžešće borbe. Nakon što smo uspjeli stabilizirati frontu, zahvaljujući ratnom iskustvu, prebacili su nas do grada Jaffe, odakle sam ja sa svojom skupinom suboraca, među kojima su bila i dva Hrvata, Mario Galić i Zoran Dakić, nastavio prema gradu Jeninu jer sam bio stručnjak za protutenkovske mine.

Na istoj strani
U Jeninu smo vodili žestoke borbe s izraelskim snagama, uništili smo im desetke tenkova i oklopnih transportera te smo oslobodili velik dio teritorija oko toga grada. Na žalost, u tim borbama poginula su dva moja prijatelja, Mario Galić i Zoran Dakić. Nakon toga dobili smo naredbu o povlačenju i prepuštanju fronte jordanskoj vojsci. Povukli smo se do grada Malkije, na granici Libanona i Izraela.

Tamo smo doživjeli pravo iznenađenje. Glavni zapovjednik Vojske spasa Fawzi Al-Kawkji zatražio je da se spojimo s jugoslavenskom divizijom koju je poslao Tito, pod zapovjedništvom Fuada Šefkobegovića, te da zajednički pripremamo akciju za oslobođenje grada Nasre. I sami pomalo zbunjeni pojavom Titove divizije u Vojsci spasa, upitali smo ga kakva je bila prva reakcija nekadašnjih žestokih neprijatelja.

– Možete zamisliti kako smo se osjećali u tom trenutku. Vjerujem, jednako smo bili zbunjeni i mi i oni. Prije samo tri godine gledali smo se preko nišana i ratovali jedan protiv drugoga. Siguran sam u jedno, mi smo više obraćali pozornost na njih nego na Izraelce, a tako i oni na nas. Nitko nikome nije vjerovao. Jednako sam se pribojavao metka Izraelaca kao i Titovih partizana.

Olakšanje za nas, a vjerujem i za njih, bilo je pridruživanje boraca iz Maroka, Iraka, Sirije i Saudijske Arabije našoj postrojbi. Napokon smo neopterećeni krenuli u akciju oslobođenja grada Nasre, zašavši duboko u izraelski teritorij. Međutim, unatoč našoj spremnosti, doživjeli smo poraz, o kojem i dan-danas razmišljam kao o arapskoj izdaji. Neshvatljivo je da nam Sirija i Irak pošalju vojsku i tenkove bez streljiva.


Dr. Mustafa Baze priprema novu knjigu

Sirijski tenk s topom od 40 milimetara mogao je bez problema uništiti izraelski položaj, ali nije imao streljiva, kao ni irački tenkovi. Osjetivši našu slabost, Izraelci su krenuli u protuofenzivu i potisnuli nas do libanonske granice, do sela Malkije, gdje su se vodile žestoke borbe i gdje je poginulo osam Jugoslavena iz Titove divizije. Tada je poginuo i moj najbolji prijatelj i ratni drug, Slovenac Franc Robotnik. U tim borbama poginuo je i najveći arapski heroj Muhammad Zugajib.

Nakon teškog poraza Vojske spasa, pridružio sam se saudijskoj brigadi koja je bila smještena u Majis Al-Jabalu i u njoj ostao do završetka arapsko-izraelskog rata, na području Palestine.
Zanimalo nas je kako se Kamel nakon rata odlučio zauvijek nastaniti u Libanonu, odbivši se vratiti u rodnu Bosnu ili otići u neku treću zemlju.

– Povratak u Bosnu bio je nemoguć jer me Titova partija osudila na smrt zbog, kažu, neprijateljskog djelovanja. Oženio sam se Libanonkom i zbog zasluga u ratu dobio libanonsko državljanstvo 1950. te sam odlučio ostati i odslužiti trideset godina u libanonskoj vojsci, sve do umirovljenja.
Oprostili smo se s Kamelom i njegovom suprugom Karimom te se zaputili prema gradu Bint Jubeilu, udaljenom samo pet kilometara od granice s Izraelom, koji je svojedobno bio poprištem sukoba Vojske spasa i Izraelaca. U tom gradu susreli smo se s dr. Mustafom Bazeom, jedinim arapskim povjesničarom koji je u svojoj knjizi “Jug Libanona u okruženju arapskog svijeta 1864.-1948.” pisao o ulozi Jugoslavena u arapsko-izraelskom sukobu. Dr. Baze najprije nam je zahvalio jer, kako kaže, prvi put netko od svjetskih medija pokazuje interes za te događaje.

– Sve je počelo 7. studenoga 1947., kada je Arapska liga zasjedala u gradu Aleji, u Libanonu, i kada je njezin predsjednik Abdel Rahman Azam zatražio od arapskih zemalja da osnuju Vojsku spasa radi oslobađanja Palestine. Nakon toga, pod zapovjedništvom Fawzi Al-Kawkjia, počele su stizati vojske iz cijelog arapskog svijeta. No, Arapska je liga zatražila slanje vojske i od socijalističkih zemalja, a jedina zemlja koja se odazvala tom pozivu bila je Titova Jugoslavija, koja je odmah poslala diviziju s Fuadom Šefkobegovićem na čelu. Osim te divizije, Vojsci spasa priključilo se mnogo jugoslavenskih dragovoljaca. Jugoslaveni su se tada žestoko borili i puno ih je poginulo.

Prva borba koju su vodili bila je 22. studenoga 1948. na području Blida i Maijs Aj-Jabal, gdje su pokazali veliku hrabrost i spretnost jer su vodili gerilsku borbu protiv Izraelaca, isto kao što su je vodili protiv Nijemaca. Drugu borbu, nazvanu “Haram”, vodili su 29. studenoga 1948. Trajala je 60-ak sati. Tada se dogodila velika izdaja Arapa, koji su povukli svoju vojsku. Jedini koji su ostali na položajima bili su Marokanci pod zapovjedništvom Ibrahima Bega Sudana i Jugoslaveni pod zapovjedništvom Fuada Šefkobegovića. U tim borbama poginulo je osam Jugoslavena i pedesetak Marokanaca, a na kraju su ipak bili prisiljeni na povlačenje.

Velikosrpstvo s hrvatskim novcima - VL. 10.1. 2006

10.01.2006 19:00
U POVODU
Velikosrpstvo s hrvatskim novcima

Autor ZVONIMIR DESPOT




Nevjerojatno je kako je u javnosti hladno i nezainteresirano primljena izuzetno sporna knjiga nekadašnjeg direktora Arhiva u Karlovcu Đure Zatezala, koji je u njoj objavio svjedočanstva o ustaškom genocidu nad Srbima u Drugom svjetskog ratu na Kordunu, Banovini, Lici, Pokuplju i Gorskom kotaru pod naslovom "Radio sam svoj seljački i kovački posao".

No, zato je knjiga dobrano potresla Ministarstvo kulture i ministra Božu Biškupića jer je njezin urednik, kao i niza dosadašnjih spornih izdanja "Prosvjete", njegov pomoćnik za knjige i nakladništvo Čedomir Višnjić. Štoviše, ova je knjiga financirana i novcem hrvatskih poreznih obveznika, a kosu na glavi, koju je Biškupiću i društvu digla iz političkih razloga, povjesničarima je podignula zbog njezina sadržaja koji je na tragu velikosrpske propagande kakvu smo čitali iz famoznih djela Milana Bulajića ili Vladimira Dedijera.

Zatezalo u svojoj knjizi nije donio ništa novoga niti knjiga očito ima cilj profesionalno prikazati određeno razdoblje i problematiku. Knjizi nije ni pristupio kao povjesničar ni arhivist jer joj je cilj očito drugi, a to je ponovno optuživanje Hrvata za genocidnost. On, naime, u kontekst ne stavlja počinjene zločine, no zato ponavlja teze i brojke koje su već nebrojeno puta demantirane, ali su uvijek služile za manipulacije, kao i u njegovu slučaju sada.

Nevjerojatan je njegov zaključak da se za komunizma šutjelo o ustaškim zločinima, ali i njegova neizravna poruka da za njih još nisu dovoljno svi kažnjeni, pa bismo valjda mi danas trebali snositi krivnju. A povjesničari jako dobro znaju da su komunisti ustaše proganjali tako da bi za njima išli i na Mjesec da su se tamo skrili.

Tako ponavlja Bulajićevu brojku od gotovo 20.000 ubijene djece u Jasenovcu, pa još i na drugim mjestima, stalno spominje starce i civile, ali nigdje četnike i zločine nad Hrvatima. Po njemu bi Srbi bile jedine žrtve Drugog svjetskog rata. Dakako da bi mu teze pale u vodu da je išao u raščlanjivanje jer onda ne bi mogao prešutjeti koliko su ti "genocidni" Hrvati pomogli Srbima. Zašto se stalno prešućuje koliko je kozaračke djece spasio nadbiskup Stepinac?

Kad se u uvodu pročita kako on to razdoblje povezuje s Domovinskim ratom, onda je jasno da je riječ o pritisku na međunarodnu zajednicu pred suđenje Gotovini i ostalima za Oluju. Očito je da još ima onih koji ne mogu prežaliti što danas nemaju "Srpski Karlovac". Žalosno je samo što se to radi uz blagoslov i plaćanje hrvatskih državnih institucija zbog tri saborska glasa SDSS-a. Zaista pravi put za izgradnju suživota između Hrvata i Srba. Zapravo se čini kako bi neki s one strane rado ponovno u rat protiv Hrvata. Oluja očito još neke nije opametila.


Ispis Pošaljite članak
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utorak, svibnja 24, 2005

Tajne snimke izricanja smrtne presude četvorici članova bugojanske grupe

Večernji list, 24. 05. 2005.
OTKRIVAMO Kako je u Sarajevu suđeno zarobljenoj četvorici od 19 članova HRB-a, emigrantske Bugojanske skupine koja je u Jugoslaviju ušla 1972.
Tajne snimke izricanja smrtne presude

Autor ZVONIMIR DESPOT

Nakon više od trideset godina, Protuobavještajna agencija već gotovo pola godine radi na slučaju Bugojanske skupine, odnosno pokušava utvrditi gdje su završili posmrtni ostaci 18 od 19 članova te hrvatske emigrantske skupine koja je u Jugoslaviji 1972. izazvala neviđenu pomutnju.

Suđenje
Večernji je list pak došao u posjed javnosti dosad nepoznatih izvadaka sa suđenja četvorici članova te skupine pred sarajevskim vojnim sudom 21. prosinca 1972. godine. Pod Bugojanskom skupinom misli se, naime, na 19 hrvatskih emigranata, članova Hrvatskog revolucionarnog bratstva, tajne hrvatske emigrantske organizacije koja je djelovala u Europi, Australiji i SAD-u, cilj koje je bilo dizanja "oružanog ustanka za oslobođenje Hrvatske".

Odluka o ubacivanju skupine u Jugoslaviju donesena je u prosincu 1971. na sastanku užeg vodstva HRB-a u Salzburgu, a usporedno s ubacivanjem skupine, bile su predviđene i diverzantske akcije drugih grupa i pojedinaca. Skupinu su činili članovi HRB-a pristigli iz Europe i Australije te su se okupili na užem području Graza pod vodstvom Ambrozija Andrića i Pavla Vegara.

Ondje je provedena desetodnevna obuka, podijeljena je oprema, odore i naoružanje te je grupa 20. lipnja 1972. ilegalno, pješice, prešla jugoslavensku granicu na području Dravograda. Od 25. lipnja do 24. srpnja njezini su se članovi na području BiH i Hrvatske sukobljavali s tadašnjom JNA, milicijom, pripadnicima Teritorijalne obrane...

Bio je to njihov odgovor na nasilno gušenje Hrvatskog proljeća. Nevjerojatno zvuči činjenica da je protiv 19 članova skupine tadašnji jugoslavenski režim na noge dignuo čak 30.000 ljudi! U akcijama je poginulo 15 članova te skupine, a neki su najprije zarobljeni, potom likvidirani. Četvorici se sudilo na već spomenutom suđenju u Sarajevu.

Snimke sa suđenja su vrlo loše, ali na njima se, što prvi put izlazi u javnost, jasno vidi sudsko vijeće vojnoga suda te četvorica optuženih sa svojim čuvarima. Snimka je zacijelo nastala u produkciji bivše JNA. Na njoj se čuje kako predsjednik sudskoga vijeća najprije govori, odnosno proziva optužene: "Horvat Đure, Keškić Vejsila, Vlasnović Mirka i Pavlović Ludviga".

Zatim ženski glas nastavlja: "21. decembra 1972. godine, nakon što je sud izrekao presudu, predsjednik vijeća u prisustvu zastupnika optužbe, optuženih i njihovih branilaca javno je objavio presudu". Slijedi glas predsjednika sudskog vijeća: "Prvooptuženi Horvat Đuro, drugooptuženi Keskić Vesil, trećeoptuženi Vlasnović Mirko i četvrtooptuženi Pavlović Ludvig, prema ličnim podacima utvrđenim na glavom pretresu, krivi su...

Prvooptuženi Horvat Đuro na kaznu smrti, drugooptuženi Keškić Vesil na kaznu smrti, trećeoptuženi Vlasnović Mirko na kaznu smrti i četvrtooptuženi Pavlović Ludvig na kaznu smrti".

Potraga
POA je pak krenula u potragu za posmrtnim ostacima na traženje obitelji članova skupine. Rođak jednog člana skupine rekao nam je da je danas taj slučaj za njih samo humanitarni problem, da žele pronaći posmrtne ostatke svojih bližnjih budući da svaki čovjek ima pravo na dostojan ukop. Provođenje istrage potvrđeno nam je s nekoliko strana, dok nam je u MUP-u rečeno da on još nije uključen u nju.

Zanimljivo je da je jedan od istražnih sudaca u postupku protiv članova skupine bio i Ivan Fumić, bivši vojni sudac i republički sekretar za pravosuđe, a danas član Predsjedništva Saveza antifašističkih boraca i antifašista Hrvatske. Štoviše, Fumić je jedan od možda posljednjih živućih neposrednih svjedoka toga procesa. Nama je jučer napomenuo da s njime još nitko o Bugojanskoj skupini nije razgovarao, ali i da nema namjeru o tome s bilo kime razgovarati. No, nama je ipak ispričao neke detalje.

Radio sam kao vojni istražni sudac u Zagrebu, ali sam za Bugojansku skupinu poslan nakratko u Sarajevo kao ispomoć. Bio sam jedan od istražitelja i saslušavao sam četvoricu optuženih. Bila je to velika istraga, ne samo protiv te četvorice nego i protiv niza drugih ljudi koji su u Jugoslaviju ušli s putovnicom.

Oni su ljudi htjeli dignuti ustanak oružanim akcijama, ali ne bih rekao da je to bio terorizam.
Suđenja su još bila i u Požegi, Mostaru, Zenici i na nekim drugim sudovima. Moram reći da smo mi znali da se akcija priprema prije nego što su ušli u zemlju. Za to je bio zadužen Franjo Herljević, tadašnji savezni sekretar za unutrašnje poslove, ali služba je zakazala priznaje Fumić i naglašava da je otišao iz Sarajevu kad je počelo suđenje.

Fumić tvrdi da ne zna gdje su završili posmrtni ostaci 18 članova skupine, pa ni tri tijela onih koji su strijeljani u Sarajevu. Samo dodaje kako su, prema tadašnjem zakonu, tijela trebala biti predana obiteljima.Obitelji se pak nadaju da će se naći netko tko nešto o tome zan i javiti kako bi se tijela napokon pronašla. Osim ako ih JNA ili netko od bivših jugoslavenskih državnih službi nije uništio.

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"Živjela slobodna Hrvatska!"

Jugoslavenska Služba državne sigurnosti (SDS), koja je akciju protiv Bugojanske skupine vodila pod kodnim imenom "Raduša", pokušavala je nametnuti zaključak da su hrvatski gerilci htjeli cijanidom zatrovati beogradski vodovod, što je po svemu sudeći bila neistina. No, SDS je upadom Bugojanske skupine dobio udarac nakon kojega su pljuštale ostavke čelnih ljudi. Činjenica je, naime, da je SDS za skupinu doznao tek pet dana nakon njezina ilegalnog ulaska u Jugoslaviju. SDS je tvrdio da je skupinu kontrolirao od početka, pa da ju je čak namamio u Jugoslaviju. Međutim, HRB je bila jedina hrvatska emigrantska organizacija koju SDS nije uspio probiti. U Jugoslaviju su ušli kao gerilci, svjesni da će zacijelo i poginuti, ali bili su spremni svoje živote dati za Hrvatsku. Tako neki svjedoci tvrde da su trojica u Sarajevu strijeljana s poklikom "Živjela slobodna Hrvatska!"
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Članovi Bugojanske skupine


1. Ambrozije Andrić, r. 10. 12. 1939. u Tuzli, poginuo 21. 7. 1972. u zaseoku Tomići kod Omiša;

2. Adolf Andrić, r. 4. 3. 1942. u Tuzli, poginuo 26. 6. 1972. na planini Raduši kod Gornjeg Vakufa;

3. Pavao Vegar, r. 10. 11. 1939. u Vašarovićima pokraj Ljubuškog, poginuo 21. 7. 1972. u zaseoku Tomići kod Omiša;

4. Ilija Glavaš, r. 8. 12. 1939. u Lužanima pokraj Gornjeg Vakufa, poginuo 24. 7. 1972. na području sela Leskuri na planini Svilaji;

5. Đuro Horvat, r. 12. 4. 1939. u Palinovcu pokraj Čakovca, zarobljen 2. 7. 1972. kod Jablaničkog jezera, osuđen na smrt u Sarajevu 21. 12. 1972., strijeljan 17. 3. 1973.;

6. Vejsil Keškić, r. 25. 6. 1939. u Maloj Peći pokraj Bihaća, zarobljen 29. 6. 1972. u blizini Prozora, osuđen na smrt u Sarajevu 21. 12. 1972., strijeljan 17. 3. 1973.;

7. Viktor Kancijanić (Kocijančić), r. 15. 3. 1945. u Tinjanu pokraj Pazina, ubijen 2. 7. 1972. kod Raduše;

8. Petar Bakula, r. 3. 2. 1947. u Rastovači pokraj Posušja, ranjen 15. 7. 1972. na brani Peruča, kasnije zacijelo likvidiran;

9. Ludvig Pavlović, r. 9. 4. 1951. u Vitini pokraj Ljubuškog, zarobljen prije prelaska ostatka grupe u Hrvatsku, osuđen na smrt u Sarajevu 21. 12. 1972., pomilovan, 20 godina robije, pod sumnjivim okolnostima poginuo kao pripadnik HVO-a u sukobu s JNA 18. 9. 1991. u Studenim Vrilima, na cesti između Tomislav Grada i Posušja;

10. Mirko Vlasnović, r. 19. 8. 1932. u Zemuniku Gornjem, predao se u rodnom selu 28. 7. 1972., osuđen na smrt u Sarajevu 21. 12. 1972., strijeljan 17. 3. 1973.;

11. Ilija Lovrić, r. 1945. u Varvarima pokraj Prozora, poginuo 1. 7. 1972. u blizini Varvara;

12. Filip Bešlić, r. 16. 3. 1936. u Rastovači pokraj Prozora, poginuo 24. 7. 1972. na području sela Leskuri na planini Svilaji;

13. Stipe Ljubas, r. 21. 9. 1951. u Đakovu, poginuo 24. 7. 1972. na području sela Leskuri na planini Svilaji;

14. Vlado Miletić, r. 1946. u Ograđeniku pokraj Čitluka, poginuo 13. 7. 1972. kod sela Pribić kraj Livna;

15. Vinko Knez, r. 26. 1. 1953. u Viškovcima pokraj Požege, poginuo 27. 6. 1972. kod Han Ploča, iznad puta Gračanica-Gornji Vakuf;

16. Ivan Prlić, r. 8. 11. 1951. u Sovićima pokraj Gruda, zarobljen 26. ili 27. 6. 1972. i zacijelo kasnije likvidiran;

17. Nikola Antunac, r. 1950. u Karlovcu, poginuo 27. 6. 1972. kod Han Ploča, iznad puta Gračanica-Gornji Vakuf;

18. Vilim Eršek, r. 20. 10. 1939. u Žigrovcu pokraj Varaždina, poginuo 27. 6. 1972. kod sela Rumboci;

19. Vidak Buntić, r. 28. 1. 1942. u Ograđeniku pokraj Čitluka, predao se 25. 7. 1972. između Zagvozda i Žeževice, zacijelo kasnije likvidiran;
**********************************************************************************

Oružane akcije hrvatskih emigranata

7. 6. 1947. 3. 7. 1948. operacija "Deseti travanj"; u Jugoslaviju preko Mađarske i Austrije u nekoliko grupa ušlo preko stotinu hrvatskih emigranata, pod vodstvom Božidara Kavrana i Ljube Miloša, a cilj je bio dizanje ustanka i rušenje Jugoslavije; Vrhovni sud i Vojni sud u Zagrebu većinu ih je u kolovozu i rujnu 1948. osudio na smrt;

7. 7. 1963. skupina Tolić Oblak; u Hrvatsku ušla skupina od devet naoružanih članova HRB-a na čelu s Ilijom Tolićem i Josipom Oblakom, a pripadali su joj još Dražen Tapšanji, Mirko Fumić, Krešimir Perković, Rade Stojić, Stanko Zdrilić, Branko Podrug i Vlado Leko; uhićeni su neposredno nakon dolaska u Hrvatsku te osuđeni na dugogodišnju robiju;

29. 10. 1974. pokraj Gospića poginuli su Ivan Matičević i Mate Prpić, članovi HRB-a, koji su nekoliko godina zaredom dolazili iz Njemačke u Hrvatsku i izvodili razne oružane akcije;

Fotografija vojnog sudskog vijeća sa tajne snimke koje je izreklo smrtnu presudu četvorici pripadnika bugojanske grupe u Sarajevu 1972. godine


četvrtak, travnja 14, 2005

ČASNO JE BITI USTAŠA!

ČASNO JE BITI USTAŠA!

Ustaša, ustanik, disident, puntar, hajduk....
Ima li išta ljepše i plemenitije!!?

Počevši od Isusa Krista, preko Franje Tuđmana, pape Ivana Pavla II ili generala Gotovine, ustaška misao uvijek je bila na rubu - ponižena i osuđivana od strane vladajućeg sistema mišljanja. Isusa su razapeli na križ, Pavelića i u smrti proganjaju, jednako kao i Tuđmana. Ustaški cilj je naime uvijek isti: pružiti se nebesima poput surih sokolova, bliže suncu, bliže Bogu!

Neke ustaše - poput Isusa Krista, sv. Franje Asiškog itd. - provode svoju nauku kroz ideologiju opraštanja i ljubavi. Druge ustaše slijede načelo "Na ljutu ranu - ljutu travu". Na prvi pogled riječ je o krajnje oprečnim pojmovima: ne mogu ljubav i mržnja ići skupa! Ipak, ako sa pojmova "mržnja" i "ljubav" skinemo njihovu ideološku košulju onda dobijamo dva oprečna pola jedne te iste stvarnosti. Dakle, kao što bez noći ne bi bilo ni dana, tako ni bez mržnje ne bi bilo ni ljubavi. Drugim riječima ustaša postaje ustašom samo u suprotnosti prema partizanima i četnicima. Poput mitološke priče o Dedalu i Ikaru, ustaše su uvijek osuđene na smrt. Jer samo istinski vitez nalazi svoje otkupljenje kroz žrtvu za pravdu, domovinu, ideologiju... Dakle, ustaša ne mari za lavež farizeja i nasilništvo novovjeke "demokratske" prdeži "uljudbenih" Europejaca. I dok se građani-Europejci uvijek krste u pravovjerje i "demokratsko" jednoumlje (jedna Europa, jedan svjetonazor, jedna batina!), njihovi ljuti protivnici ustaše - poput palih anđela - pozivaju na pobunu i drugačije mišljenje. Stoga je časno biti ustaša. Međutim, pravih ustaša je malo... Daleko je više kloniranih hibrida - NASTAŠA - a još više krmeljavih gmizavaca koji se busaju u pravednička prsa : MI SMO MJERILO SVIH VRIJEDNOSTI. Već smo čuli... Već vidjeli...

IMOTA
Za dom spremni!

nedjelja, travnja 10, 2005

Zadarski ogranak Hrvatskog domobrana obilježava godišnjicu osnivanja NDH

Slobodna Dalmacija, 10. travnja 2005.

ZADARSKI OGRANAK HRVATSKOG DOMOBRANA
PRILIKOM OBILJEŽAVANJA GODIŠNJICE OSNIVANJA NDH PORUČIO:
Gotovina, ustaše su uz tebe!

ZADAR - Zadarski ogranak Udruge ratnih veterana "Hrvatski domobran" obilježio je u subotu 64. obljetnicu utemeljenja Nezavisne države Hrvatske izvještajnim saborom kojem je prethodila misa u crkvi sv. Šime. Članovi Udruge su se okupili na Narodnom trgu i noseći veliki drveni križ, zastave, slike Franje Tuđmana i Ante Gotovine defilirali gradom do crkve, a potom do Doma sindikata u kojem su održali sabor.
Prilikom njihova prošlog ovakvog okupljanja, lani početkom prosinca, više članova nosilo je ustaške uniforme, nakon čega su bili pozvani na obavijesni razgovor u policiju i dobili prekršajne prijave.
Domobrani su kroz Zadar pronijeli drveni križ (nosi ga Pave Smolić, nedavno priveden zbog ustaške odore) te slike Tuđmana i Gotovine/Branislav GRGUROVIĆOvaj put nije bilo ustaških kapa (istina, dio je nosio crne odore i odličja), a policija je budno pratila događaj. Primjetno je bilo da se ne želi izazvati incident, jedino je prilikom intoniranja Lijepe naše na početku sabora jedan od najmlađih prisutnih desnicu dignuo u zrak, na što su ga stariji upozorili da ju spusti.
Na sabor domobrana došao je i predsjednik Gradskog vijeća Zadra Davor Aras koji je zbog govora pod Pavelićevom slikom na prosinačkom skupu bio izbrisan iz HDZ-a. Ovaj put nije govorio, no njegov dolazak je burno pozdravljen, kao i dolazak predstavnika Hrvatskog ustaškog pokreta, domobrana iz Omiša, Šibenika, Nezavisnih dragovoljaca hrvatskih, zadarske Hvidre, te pozdravni brzojavi upućeni iz Imotskog, Chicaga, Ljubljane, San Pedra, Toronta, Sydneya i Cannbere. Govoreći o proteklom razdoblju, predsjednik ogranka Hrvatskog domobrana Željko Stipić je naglasio kako grad Zadar i Zadarska županija nedovoljno daju za rad jer udruga broji 736 članova. Grad će, istina, ove godine dati 15 tisuća kuna, a županija 20 tisuća, što su članovi komentirali "bit će za kape".
- Naše prošlo okupljanje bilo je medijski prenaglašeno zbog uniformi, no mi nismo radili ništa što već i prije nismo činili, a Davor Aras je, kao i neki od nas, zbog toga imao posljedica, kazao je Stipić.
- Zanimljivo je da smo prošlog ljeta u našim odorama išli preko granice, u BiH, na svečanost kosidbe na Kupresu. Nismo smetali ni srpskim policajcima, a vukovarsko-srijemski župan Nikola Šafer se dva dana s nama družio i htio slikati kad smo bili u odori. Zadarski nadbiskup Ivan Prenđa govori neistinu kad tvrdi da nas je potjerao i da nam se neće dopustiti održavanje mise u Zadru. I danas smo održali misu za NDH, a ove godine ćemo održati misu i za našeg poglavnika Antu Pavelića, viteza Juru Francetića i Milu Budaka, rekao je Stipić te najavio skorašnje otvaranje spomenika žrtvama velebitskog ustanka u Lukovom Šugarju. Na koncu je upućena poruka generalu Anti Gotovini neka se čuva i da su ustaše uvijek uz njega.

E. ŠPRLJAN

četvrtak, ožujka 17, 2005

Report by General Laxa on Unrest in Hercegovina

The General of Croatian Regular Army (The Domobrans) Vladimir Laxa, as special Representative of the Poglavnik, claims in a strongly worded statement against attrocities
of some Ustase in Bosnia and Herzegovina:

I am deeply convinced and it is confirmed from many places that if the state of siege and court martial weren't executed in the spirit of Poglavnik's order, there would have been a general bloodshed on Vidovdan 28/VI [June 28], which wouldhave the most unpleasant consequences.


The above statement proves that dr. Ante Pavelic had indeed tried to protect Serbs by issuing the state of siege and court martial orders. Now, one should ask: why is this still hidden from
the general public?

Further, General Laxa, makes clear distinstion between genuine Ustashe and the "so-called Ustashe". The first ones (real Ustashe) are shocked by the murderous campaign of these hastily recruted and undisciplined "SO CALLED USTASE". These people, in Laxa's words, crushed the noble ideals of Ustase movement, undermined its reputation and brought the hatred of the population against it. Later on, General Laxa resigned in protest against these unfortunate events. However, he was killed at the end of war by Tito's partisans as many other "noble" representatives of Ustashe movement.

The following document was posted on Serbo-Jewish web site
www.pavelicpapers.com :

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE
OF THE POGLAVNIK

V.I. Number 40
5. June 1941. [sic - July 5, 1941]
Mostar

DIRECTED TO THE COMMANDER OF LAND ARMY COLONEL LULIC



Consistent with my previous oral and written reports I
communicate the following:

Several days after I took over the military administration
given to me by the Poglavnik in the greater regions of Hum
and Dubrava, by common sense deductions and apart from any
foreign influence I was able to gain the following impression
of recent events.

Unrest in Herzegovina, the anger and desperation of the
population was, according to statements from all sectors of
the population, mostly a result of the savage and inhuman
actions of the "SO CALLED USTASE".

During the organization of Ustase army units men were
assigned without any diligence. Communists, chronic
alcoholics et cetera were made into Ustase overnight, so we
shouldn't be surprised that such things have occurred.

As a result, in the first few days I ordered that these men
/Ustase/ must be disarmed, and that their weapons should be
given to them only when they are on duty.

These "SO CALLED USTASE" crushed the noble ideals of Ustase
movement, undermined its reputation and brought the hatred of
the population against it.

Under this "Ustase regime" not one clerk, not one officer,
not one woman nor child was safe, day or night. These Ustase
ravaged everything wherever they went. Many of these Ustase-
men [ljudi-ustasa-hvalili] bragged about how many people they
killed, how many people they have beaten and tortured to
death. Men and women were without appeal dragged to prisons,
even though the least offense could not be attributed to
them. "SO CALLED USTASE" arrogantly claim that they "cleansed
the area" of Gacko-Avtovac-Bileca-Nevesinje and that in this
way did a great favour to Independent State of Croatia. They
believed they accomplished this task by bloodshed, but they
didn't realize that they only removed just one part of the
people, and that on the contrary the largest part of Serbian
population out of fear fled with weapons to rocky terrain, to
the mountains and forests, determined to die a death worthy
of a man, than to be tortured and beaten without mercy at
home.

The Ustase bear the greatest part of the blame for the
current unrest, which has had to be suppressed by a young
Croatian army, which has required many sacrifices and will
require many more.

State officials and other authorities, members of the police
and others were pushed aside by the Ustase, scared and thus
discouraged from resisting the murder of these people.

The Ustase claim that they do everything according to orders
coming from the organization from Zagreb and that everything
must be subjected to them. State officials and others were so
morally discouraged by their fear of the Ustase that they
didn't dare send any reports about these events. In an
appropriate and tactful manner I made these representatives
acknowledge their unworthy and unmanly attitude as chiefs,
and with great effort I managed to convince them that instead
of a regime of force we live under a regime of laws and
rights, and that if they in the future do not take special
measures and steps to prevent tyranny and anarchy I would act
even against them in the spirit of my declaration and by the
laws of war. /appendix number 1/

Respectable citizens, priests, clerks, even serious Ustase
complain about the actions and attitude of these "SO CALLED
USTASE", who are completely undisciplined. The real Ustase
say that there is no discipline among them and that they will
accordingly disarm and discharge these hastily recruited men.

I believe I must also emphasize that these actions by the
Ustase also made a trying and burdensome impression on our
young army. In the basement of one building in Nevesinje
people were beaten until they were unconscious and then shot
by a machine gun in prison by Ustase /lieutenant Franjo
Sudar/. It wasn't easy to convince our young soldiers not to
use force themselves against these bloodthirsty people.

With the declaration of the state of siege and court martial
things got better, though during the night 30/VI [June 30]
and the daytime of 1/VII [July 1] there was a sad event in
Ljubuski when a large number of people were murdered again
/as it can be seen from the transcript of a letter appendix
number 2/. One butcher named Osmic from Ljubuski was arrested
and the case was handed over to an investigative judge.

Consistent with everything expressed here may I be allowed to
state the following:

1/ I am deeply convinced and it is confirmed from many places
that if the state of siege and court martial weren't executed
in the spirit of Poglavnik's order, there would have been a
general bloodshed on Vidovdan 28/VI [June 28], which would
have the most unpleasant consequences.

2/ It is necessary to further reinforce the Adriatic division
area with: 2 battalions of infantry, several batteries of
artillery, companies with heavy machine guns and mortar
canons. Batteries and mortar canons can easily cleanse the
nests of rebels and suppress their resistance.

3/ All actions against the rebels must be executed in a slow
and methodical manner, to reduce losses to the least possible
number.

Our Domobrans who come from plains, after their brief
training, not knowing the difficulty of local terrain nor
guerilla way of warfare with military organized groups, can
succumb to panic with even the slightest of surprises.

4/ It is in the interest of the state to leave the military
administration set up for a longer period of time in the
Adriatic division area because of reasons I already
mentioned, but also because the army enjoys the trust of the
population there.

In the interest of popularizing the regime and the state
authorities, a military administration should be established
across the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

5/ To establish a complete peace in these parts the present
ad hoc organization of the Ustase should be disband and
organized all over again, by people who are worthy of the
ideals of the Ustase movement in every aspect.



SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE
OF THE POGLAVNIK
DEPUTY MARSHAL
Laxa



DELIVERED TO:
Military office of the Poglavnik,
Commander of land army, and to
Military office of the headquarters
directly to Brigadier Babic Ivan



Filing information:
Title: General Laxa's Report on Unrest in Hercegovina
Source: Archive of the NDH. Translated by Sinisa Djuric.
Date: c. July 5, 1941
Added: May 27, 2003

Original Placement:
http://www.pavelicpapers.com/documents/ndh/text/ndh007.txt

nedjelja, listopada 03, 2004

Ustase - short list

Croatia- Ustase


USTASE





BOBAN, Rafael (Vitez)
(December 22, 1907 in Bobanova Draga - ?)
Ustase Colonel and Domobran General
Post-war fate is uncertain, though he is known to have eluded capture at Bleiburg. According to one source, he was killed in 1947 as an anti-Communist guerilla in Croatia, according to another he made his way post-war to the USA where he joined the US Army and fought in Korea.
Promotions:
Ustase Colonel: 1944; Domobran General in early 1945;
Assignments:
Replaced Jure Francetic as the commander of the elite Ustasa Black Legion (Crna Legija); Commander of the 5th Ustasa Brigade; Commander of the IVth Ustasa Corps of the HOS near the end of the war





-------------------------------------------------------------------------

FRANCETIC, Jure (Vitez)
(July 3, 1912 in Prozor - December 27, 1942 in Slunj)
Krilnik (post-humous) of the Ustaska Vojnica
Killed in action after his airplane was sabotaged and was forced to land in Communist Partisan controlled territory.
Promotions:
Ustase Colonel: July 1942 after success of Black Legion in Eastern Bosnia;
Assignments:
1st Commander of Ustasa Black Legion (Crna Legija); post-humous promotion to Ustase Krilnik and given title of "Vitez" (Knight)
Note:
Accompanied Ante Pavelic on his visit to Adolf Hitler in September, 1942, as well as to the Croatian Legionnaires on the Eastern Front.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

KAVRAN, Bozidar
(September 22, 1913 in Zagreb - ?, 1948 in Zagreb [executed])
Ustasa political leader
Executed post-war after being captured by Yugoslav secret police (UDBA) while leading a group of Ustasa guerillas.
Promotions:
Official commander of the Ustasa-HOP party from May 1943;
Assignments:
Ustasa Stozernik for the city of Zagreb, commander of the Ustasa-HOP party
Note:
Name rehabilitated in May of 1995, and is today not considered a war criminal.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

KIRIN, Ivan "Ico"
(June 4, 1911 in Zdencina - January 24, 1947 in Zagreb [executed])
Ustase Colonel
Executed post-war by the Yugoslav Communist government.
Promotions:
Ustase Colonel: August 1944;
Assignments:
Counter-intelligence department at UNS; Commander of the Poglavnik's personal security detachment within the Poglavnik Bodyguard; personal bodyguard to Ante Pavelic during his escape from Croatia in May 1945.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

LUBURIC, Vjekoslav "Maks"
(March 6, 1914 in Humac - April 20, 1969 in Caragente, Spain)
Ustase Colonel, Domobran General
Assasinated post-war by a Yugoslav Communist agent.
Promotions:
Ustase Colonel: October 1944; Domobran General: April 1945;
Assignments:
Commander's deputy at GUS; Commander of UNS Department III (Ustasa Defence - Concentration Camps); Commander of Ustase Defence Brigade; named Commander of all HOS forces as of May 6, 1945.
Note:
Considered to be responsible for the liquidation of the anti-Pavelic coup leaders Vokic and Lorkovic.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

MATKOVIC, Ivica
(May 23, 1913 in Zlarin - May ?, 1945 in ?, Slovenia)
Ustasa Defence officer
Murdered by Communist Partisans near Celje, Slovenia, after being repatriated by the British Army post-war.
Promotions:
Promoted to Deputy Commander of the Ustasa Defence: January 1942;
Assignments:
Jasenovac Concentration Camp sub-commander; Deputy Commander of the Ustasa Defense.
Note:
Considered to be responsible for the liquidation of Milivoj Karamarko, one of the key players in the Vokic-Lorkovic coup.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

MILOS, Ljubo
(February 25, 1919 in Bosanski Samac - ?)
Ustase Major
Captured on Yugoslav territory post-war (July 20, 1947) while attempting to organize an anti-Communist Croatian guerilla force (Krizari - Crusaders). The date and place of his execution is unknown.
Promotions:
Ustase Major: October 1944;
Assignments:
Deputy Commander of Jasenovac Concentration Camp; Commander of Lepoglava Concentration Camp.
Note:
One of Maks Luburic's most faithful allies.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

MOSKOV, Ante (Vitez)
(July 7, 1911 in Spiljari - ?)
Ustase Colonel, Domobran General
Died in Communist captivity post-war, date and location of death uncertain.
Promotions:
Ustase Colonel: Summer 1942; Domobran General: January 1945;
Assignments:
Commander of the Poglavnik Bodyguard (Battalion, Brigade and Division); Commander of the 1st Croatian "Storm" Division; Commander of the Poglavnik Bodyguard Corps.
Note:
One of the infamous "Rasovi" - Ustase extremists.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

RUKAVINA, Juraj "Juco"
(February 4, 1898 in Perusic - June 7, 1945 in Zagreb [executed])
Colonel of the Ustaska Vojnica:
Executed by Communists post-war.
Promotions:
Ustase Colonel: November 1941 (unconfirmed);
Assignments:
Croatian State Counsellor: 1943-1945.
Head of Ustaska Nadzorna Sluzba (UNS/Ustase Security Service): 1941-1945.
Responsible for organization of Jadovno concentration camp near Gospic:
Prewar member of Ustase movement.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

SERTIC, Tomislav (Vitez)
(December 21, 1902 in Udbina - September ?, 1945 in Belgrade [executed])
Ustase Colonel, Domobran General
Executed post-war by the Communist government, exact date unconfirmed.
Promotions:
Ustase Colonel: June 1941; Domobran General in February 1944;
Assignments:
Commander of Ustaska Vojnica; Commander of the Ustasa Military Academy; Chief of Staff at the MINORS HQ.
Note:
Suspected of participating in the anti-Pavelic coup organized by Vokic and Lorkovic, but never arrested.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

SERVATZY, Vjekoslav
(March 29, 1889 in Ruma - June 17, 1945 in Zagreb [executed])
Ustase Colonel, Domobran General
Executed post-war by the Communist government.
Promotions:
Ustase Colonel: June 1941; Domobran General in April, 1945;
Assignments:
Commander of Croatian forces in the Lika operational district, commanded the Poglavnik Bodyguard for a short period, Military Commander of the City of Zagreb near the end of the war.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

VRANCIC, Vjekoslav (Vitez)
(March 25, 1904 in Ljubuski - September 25, 1990 in Buenos Aires, Argentina)
Ustase Major, NDH Minister
Died in exile.
Promotions:
Ustasa Major of the Poglavnik Bodyguard in 1943;
Assignments:
Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Labour.
Note:
Together with A. Vrkljan led the NDH delegation that met with the British 8th Army in an attempt to save the NDH in early May, 1945. Escaped British custody and managed to find safety in Argentina. Active in the Croatian independence movement post-war.



-------------------------------------------------------------------------

VRBAN, Antun
(January 15, 1908 in Pejakusa - August 31, 1948 in Zagreb [executed])
Ustase Major
Captured on Yugoslav territory post-war (July 20, 1947) while attempting to organize an anti-Communist Croatian guerilla force (Krizari - Crusaders), and executed.
Promotions:
Ustasa Major in June, 1941;
Assignments:
Commander of the Pag Concentration Camp; Commander of the Men's Section of Jasenovac Concentration Camp; Assistant Commander of the Stara Gradiska Concentration Camp; officer in the 1st Ustasa Defense Brigade.
Note:
One of the most infamous Ustase.

subota, listopada 02, 2004

Ante Pavelic Dies in Madrid at 70 - NYT, Dec. 30, 1959

News: Ante Pavelic Dies in Madrid at 70

The New York Times obituary for Ante Pavelic. The scanned image of this file includes a photograph taken at the time of the attempt on his life.


December 30, 1959

ANTE PAVELIC DIES IN MADRID AT 70

Head of Nazi Puppet Regime in Yugoslavia
Sentenced to Death by 3 Countries

MADRID, Dec. 29 (Reuters) - Ante Pavelic, head of the Nazi puppet regime in the Croatian region of Yugoslavia during World War II, died yesterday in the German Hospital here it was revealed today. He was 70 years old.



Product of Turbulence

M. Pavelic was a product of the turbulent politics and extreme nationalist passions that gave the Balkans in the inter-war years the nickname of the "cockpit of Europe." Three times he was sentenced to death - each time by a different state.

He was convicted of being the master hand behind one fo the most sensational political assassinations of his era - that King Alexander of Yugoslavia and Foreign Minister Louis Barthou of France.

For most of his adult years M. Pavelic, a short, stocky man with piercing eyes, a broad forehead and shaggy eyebrows, lived in the underground world of quasi-legality that was the customary habitat of the Balkan terrorist.

He was a Croat extremist whose supreme opportunity came when the German Nazis and the Italian Fascists attacked Yugoslavia in the spring of 1941. Hitler and Mussolini detached Croatia from Yugoslavia and established M. Pavelic as the Croatian "Poglavnik" or fuehrer.




Vanished After Liberation

When the cardboard structure of the Croatian "kingdom" collapsed with the liberation of Yugoslavia late in 1944, M. Pavelic fled. Most of his chief lieutenants were captured and executed. But he vanished.

Apparently M. Pavelic donned peasant garb and made his way to Rome, where he had many friends as a result of his long residence in exile. He masqueraded there for a while as a Hungarian general and then managed to reach Argentina, where he was given refuge by President Juan Per—n.

He lived in comparative obscurity in the little town of Caseros, not far from Buenos Aires, until 1957, when he was shot and wounded twice in an assassination attempt that he blamed on agents of Tito.

When the Argentine Government late in 1957 agreed to consider a Yugoslav extradition request, M. Pavelic disappeared. He was reported to have gone to Paraguay. Just when he went to Spain is not known.

M. Pavelic was born July 14, 1889 in Herzegovina, the son of a railroad worker, and studied law at the Universities of of Zagreb and Vienna. When the Yugoslav state was formed at the end of World War I, he joined the Croatian State Party and was elected to the Yugoslav Parliament.




Became More Extreme

His politics became more and more nationalist and extreme. He was bitterly opposed to the Moderate Croat leader, Stepan Raditch, who was assassinated in the Yugoslav Parliament on June 20, 1928. There was no indication that M. Pavelic had a hand in the Raditch affair, but he left Yugoslavia soon thereafter and joined a Croat terrorist extremist group, called the Ustachis, led by Dr. Ivo Frank.

A few months later M. Pavelic went to Sofia and negotiated a cooperative agreement between the Ustachi and IMRO, the Macedonian terrorist organization that had been in existence since 1893. Shortly thereafter, M. Pavelic for the first time was sentenced to death - in absentia - by the Royalist Yugoslav Government.

After the assassination of King Alexander and M. Barthou in Marseille in 1934, France vainly tried to persuade Mussolini to extradite M. Pavelic from Italy, where he had set up headquarters. Mussolini refused, although M. Pavelic was arrested and imprisoned until May, 1936. He was condemned to death in absentia for the second time - February, 1936 by France - for his role in the Alexander-Barthou affair.

M. Pavelic continued to live in Italy with his wife and three children in a villa at his disposal by Mussolini until April, 1941, when he returned to Zagreb to to establish his ill-fated Croat nationalist government.

He was sentenced to death in absentia for the third time on July 15, 1945, by the Tito Yugoslav government for his role in the war atrocities in Yugoslavia.


Report by General Vladimir Laxa on crimes of the "so called ustase" in Hercegovina

Title: General Laxa's Report on Unrest in Hercegovina
Source: Archive of the NDH.
Translated by Sinisa Djuric.
Date: c. July 5, 1941

The popular idea that the Poglavnik Ante Pavelic did nothing to
protect Serbs agains the rampage of some units of the Ustashe Army
is disputed in this report by the Croatia's Regular Army (Domobran) General Vladimir Laxa.

Acting as a "special representative of the poglavnik" for part of Hercegovina, the General Laxa protested rigorously against attrocities commited by the rogue elements of Ustashe Army.

Croatian General Laxa also admits that thanks to Pavelic's orders (state of siege and courts martial) they were able to save many Serbian lives.


1/ I am deeply convinced and it is confirmed from many places that if the state of siege and court martial weren't executed in the spirit of Poglavnik's order, there would have been a general bloodletting on Vidovdan 28/VI [June 28], which would have had the most unpleasant consequences.

SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE
OF THE POGLAVNIK
V.I. Number 40
5. June 1941. [sic - July 5, 1941]
Mostar

DIRECTED TO THE COMMANDER OF LAND ARMY COLONEL LULIC


Consistent with my previous oral and written reports I communicate the following:

Several days after I took over the military administration given to me by the Poglavnik in the greater regions of Hum and Dubrava, by common sense deductions and apart from any foreign influence I was able to gain the following impression of recent events.

Unrest in Herzegovina, the anger and desperation of the population was, according to statements from all sectors of the population, mostly a result of the savage and inhuman actions of the "SO CALLED USTASE".

During the organization of Ustase army units men were assigned without any diligence. Communists, chronic alcoholics et cetera were made into Ustase overnight, so we shouldn't be surprised that such things have occurred.

As a result, in the first few days I ordered that these men /Ustase/ must be disarmed, and that their weapons should be given to them only when they are on duty.

These "SO CALLED USTASE" crushed the noble ideals of Ustase movement, undermined its reputation and brought the hatred of the population against it.

Under this "Ustase regime" not one clerk, not one officer, not one woman nor child was safe, day or night. These Ustase ravaged everything wherever they went. Many of these Ustase-men [ljudi-ustasa-hvalili] bragged about how many people they killed, how many people they have beaten and tortured to death. Men and women were without appeal dragged to prisons, even though the least offense could not be attributed to them. "SO CALLED USTASE" arrogantly claim that they "cleansed the area" of Gacko-Avtovac-Bileca-Nevesinje and that in this way did a great favor to Independent State of Croatia. They believed they accomplished this task by bloodshed, but they didn't realize that they only removed just one part of the people, and that on the contrary the largest part of the Serbian population fled out of fear with their weapons to rocky terrain, to the mountains and the forests, determined to die a death worthy of a man, than to be tortured and beaten without mercy at home.

The Ustase bear the greatest part of the blame for the current unrest, which has had to be suppressed by a young Croatian army, which has required many sacrifices and will require many more.

State officials and other authorities, members of the police and others were pushed aside by the Ustase, scared and thus discouraged from resisting the murder of these people.

The Ustase claim that they do everything according to orders coming from the organization from Zagreb and that everything must be subjected to them. State officials and others were so morally discouraged by their fear of the Ustase that they didn't dare send any reports about these events. In an appropriate and tactful manner I made these representatives acknowledge their unworthy and unmanly attitude as chiefs, and with great effort I managed to convince them that instead of a regime of force we live under a regime of laws and rights, and that if they in the future do not take special measures and steps to prevent tyranny and anarchy I would act even against them in the spirit of my declaration and by the laws of war. /appendix number 1/

Respectable citizens, priests, clerks, even serious Ustase complain about the actions and attitude of these "SO CALLED USTASE", who are completely undisciplined. The real Ustase say that there is no discipline among them and that they will accordingly disarm and discharge these hastily recruited men.

I believe I must also emphasize that these actions by the Ustase also made a trying and burdensome impression on our young army. In the basement of one building in Nevesinje people were beaten until they were unconscious and then shot by a machine gun in prison by Ustase /lieutenant Franjo Sudar/. It wasn't easy to convince our young soldiers not to use force themselves against these bloodthirsty people.

With the declaration of the state of siege and court martial things got better, though during the night 30/VI [June 30] and the daytime of 1/VII [July 1] there was a sad event in Ljubuski when a large number of people were murdered again /as it can be seen from the transcript of a letter appendix number 2/. One butcher named Osmic from Ljubuski was arrested and the case was handed over to an investigative judge.

Consistent with everything expressed here may I be allowed to state the following:

1/ I am deeply convinced and it is confirmed from many places that if the state of siege and court martial weren't executed in the spirit of Poglavnik's order, there would have been a general bloodletting on Vidovdan 28/VI [June 28], which would have had the most unpleasant consequences.

2/ It is necessary to further reinforce the Adriatic division area with: 2 battalions of infantry, several batteries of artillery, companies with heavy machine guns and mortar canons. Batteries and mortar canons can easily cleanse the nests of rebels and suppress their resistance.

3/ All actions against the rebels must be executed in a slow and methodical manner, to reduce losses to the least possible number.

Our Domobrans who come from plains, after their brief training, not knowing the difficulty of the local terrain nor the guerrilla way of warfare against organized troops, can succumb to panic by even the slightest of surprises.

4/ It is in the interest of the state to leave the military administration set up for a longer period of time in the Adriatic division area because of reasons I already mentioned, but also because the army enjoys the trust of the population there.

In the interest of popularizing the regime and the state authorities, a military administration should be established across the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

5/ To establish a complete peace in these parts the present ad hoc organization of the Ustase should be disbanded and organized all over again, by people who are worthy of the ideals of the Ustase movement in every aspect.



SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE
OF THE POGLAVNIK
DEPUTY MARSHAL
Laxa



DELIVERED TO:
Military office of the Poglavnik,
Commander of land army, and to
Military office of the headquarters
directly to Brigadier Babic Ivan


Read more about Vladimir Laxa:

Laxa, Vladimir (1870-1946). A highly decorated veteran of the First World War (in which he served in the Austro-Hungarian Army on the Italian front), Vladimir Laxa eventually enlisted in the Royal Yugoslav Army at the war's conclusion. After the German invasion and the declaration of the Independent State of Croatia, Laxa was given the title podmarsal (roughly, "deputy marshal") and was charged by Field Marshal Slavko Kvaternik with organizing the Domobrans (literally "Home Defenders," the Croatian regular army) in April 1941. Dispatched as "Special Representative of the Poglavnik" to Hercegovina in June of 1941, he authored several scathing reports denouncing the murderous rampages of the Ustase Army (the NDH's equivalent of Hitler's SS), in one of which he called for the entire Ustase Army's dissolution. Transferred to Army HQ, he later resigned his commission in protest against the refusal by Ante Pavelic and other Ustase political leaders to rein in the Ustase Army. Laxa was captured by the Communist-led Partizans after the British turned over a large group of Croatian refugees at the Austrian city of Bleiburg, and was shot the following year.











The Ustase Croatian Liberation Movement

Title: The Ustase Croatian Liberation Movement
Source: Ustasa Hrvatski Oslobodilacki Pokret, 1 January 1929-1979.
Translated by Sinisa Djuric
Date: 1997


The Ustase Croatian Liberation Movement

The following is taken from the introduction of a book published recently in Zagreb by the Croatian Liberation Movement. This represents, generally, how the successors of Ante Pavelic think of themselves and their movement; the HOP was founded by Pavelic and forms a rather miniscule political fringe movement in Croatia today.


THE USTASE CROATIAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT

When streams of tears soaked the faces of millions of Croatian men and women, and the peace-loving politicians were hiding to save their necks, the voice of Starcevic's follower was heard: a parliament deputy for the city of Zagreb, Dr. Ante Pavelic, who rose in defense of his people, accepted the challenge of the glove thrown in the face of the dictator-king and went on the offensive for Croatian national and state rights. The king stood the Croats on 6 January [1929] before an open tomb, but Dr. Ante Pavelic on 7 January - only a day later - created in Zagreb the Ustase Croatian Liberational Movement. After assigning tasks and giving instructions to his Ustase, he went abroad and proclaimed a war against the mortal enemy.

The life and struggle of the Ustase Poglavnik were extremely difficult. All politicians, both foreign and Croatian, considered him an adventurer, a fanatic, too young, inexperienced, pretentious, and even insane for getting into such an unpromising struggle, facing mortal danger every day rather than sitting in Zagreb as a famous lawyer and deputy, living as many others did at the people's expense. Dr. Ante Pavelic rather embraced his life, like a persecuted wolf. He was sentenced to death three times by Belgrade, and several attempts on his life were prevented only at the last moment. In spite of it all, the Ustase Poglavnik created the Principles of the Ustase, according to which the Croatian liberation struggle would be waged and according to which the Independent State of Croatia must be organized; he looked for patriots and comrades all over Croatia and abroad, sent instructions and orders, created more organizations, published several papers, every now and then leaflets and pamphlets, and thus in both Croatian and foreign languages propagated Starcevic's idea of Croatian State Rights and looked for friends and allies in demolishing Serbian Yugoslavia and establishing the Independent State of Croatia. He put his enemies on notice with the Principles of the Croatian Revolutionary Movement, Article 8 of which reads:



8. The Croatian nation has the right to revive its sovereign authority in its own Croatian State in its entire national and historical area, that is to say to reconstitute a complete, sovereign and independent Croatian state. This reconstitution may be accomplished by any means, including force of arms.


The Declaration of the Rights of Man, which was the result of the great French Revolution a hundred years before [sic], justifies resistance against tyrants in its second article, and all constitutions of freedom-loving nations justify the use of force against every foreign occupation and violent rule as the only way possible for deprived nations to liberate themselves from slavery and achieve their rights.
Therefore, there is no justified criticism of the Ustase Liberation Movement, because it grew out of hearts and wishes of all nationally conscious Croats, and because it performed the most exalted duty: it destroyed the dictator and dictatorship, and with them the foreign occupier that was just about to pronounce a death sentence over the Croatian people. Moreover, the Ustase Liberation Movement also accomplished the greatest achievement in history: it established Independent State of Croatia in the entirety of the Croatian ethnic and historical area, even greater than the kingdom of Tomislav - even greater than the kingdom of Petar IV the Great.

When the Ustase Movement achieved its goal on the legendary date of 10 April 1941, the Croatian people hailed the achievement in a plebiscite, and aligned themselves with the ranks of Ustase fighters with an enthusiasm never seen before, with courage and heroism defending the Independent State of Croatia, thousands dying in the battlefields with the war cry: For Poglavnik and for Home! [Za Poglavnika i za Dom]

Being happy and satisfied with the Ustase's achievements, every conscious Croat invested all his powers in saving the Independent State of Croatia. Four years of daily assaults and and the countless numbers of victims, granted by Croats in defense of their self-determination, testify to their sacrifice.

It is an honor to the Croatian people and their Ustase Liberation Movement that their young State, assaulted by international Marxism, Serbian imperialism, and plutocratic and naive statesmen, resisted millions of assaults and remained the last state in Eastern Europe built upon the principles of the defense of HUMAN RIGHTS.

Knowing what is already written in history, then, criticism of the Croatian Liberation Movement by a Croatian intelligentsia mutilated by Socialism are ridiculous and completely hostile to the Croatian people, not least of all because Socialists or Marxists themsleves were the main enemies of Freedom and the Croatian State.

Today, when Croatia is again in a similar situation as it was during dictatorship of King Alexander, it is the most cherished duty of all pro-statehood Croats to align themselves in the ranks of the Croatian Liberation Movement, and united just as we were on the Tenth of April of 1941, destroy the Serbian occupation and restore the Independent State of Croatia in the entire ethnic and historical area of Croats.

To Ustase Poglavnik Dr. Ante Pavelic, as well as to his honorable legion of Ustase heroes and knights, we pay our filial respect and make the promise that we will continue their uncompromising struggle for restoration of FREEDOM AND CROATIAN STATE RIGHTS.


From the US Army File on Ante Pavelic's stay in Vatican after collapse of NDH

Title: CIC Information Sheet
Source: US Army, declassified.
Date: c. July 1947

CIC Information Sheet

From the US Army File on Ante Pavelic: This document confirms the information given in Agent William Gowen's previous report, right down to the room number. This appears to have been prepared in final preparation for enforcing an arrest on Pavelic, on Vatican property if need be. The list of "other Ustasha personalities" is only a handful of the high-ranking officials who would escape from justice, contrary to claims made elsewhere that only Pavelic and one or two other Ustase escaped justice after the war. Within the next 18 months, nearly the entire cabinet of the Independent State of Croatia will have relocated to Buenos Aires.

COPY
TRANSLATION


Subject: Ante PAVELIC and other USTASHA personalities

1. Ante PAVELIC is in hiding as an ex-HUNGARIAN General under the name of "Giuseppe". He wears a small pointed beard and has his hair cut short at the sides after the fashion of a German Army officer.

2. Hi [sic] is living on Church property under the protection of the Vatican, at Via Giacomo Venezian No. 17-C, second floor. On entering the building you go along a long and dark corridor. At the end of the corridor there are two stairways, one to the left and one to the right. You must take the right. On the right the rooms are numbered 1,2,3, etc. If you knock once or twice at door No. 3 an unimportant person will come out. But if you knock three times at door No. 3, door No. 2 will open. It leads to the room where PAVELIC lives, together with the famous BULGARIAN terrorist Vancia MIKOILOFF and two other persons.

3. About twelve other men live in the building. They are all Ustasha and make up PAVELIC's bodyguard.

4. When PAVELIC goes out he uses a car with a Vatican (SCV) number-plate.

5. The following persons visit the convent occasionally:

a) Ivica FRKOVIC, editor of the Ustasha Paper "Hrvatski Narod";
b) Dr. Feliks POLJANIC, Asst. chief of police SARAJEVO;
c) Ciro KUDUIA, Ustasha Colonel;
d) Dr. VIDALI, Asst. chief of the Ustasha-Croat Security Police;
e) Zvonko DUGANIC, Asst. chief of Croat Information Service (he lives in ROME, tel.N. 43302);
f) Peter SIMIC;
g) Dr. Lovro SUSIC, secretary of Ustasha movement in Italy. Travels frequently (ROME BOLOGNA, TRIESTE). At present living in CASERTA.
h) Joso ZUBIC, police commissioner of SARAJEVO;
i) Husnija HRUSTANOVIC, journalist;
j) Zdravko BJELOMARIC.


Dr. Branimir Jelic Gains Right to Apply to Enter U.S. Again (NYT, July 18, 1939)

Title: News Excerpt: Dr. Jelic Wins in Court
Source: New York Times, July 18, 1939.
Date: July 18, 1939


News Excerpt: Dr. Jelic Wins in Court

One of the founding members of the Ustase movement, Dr. Branimir Jelic, was arrested immediately upon his arrival in the United States as a security risk in 1939. According to this news report, he was released by a court, but later was followed by FBI agents across the country as he visited local offices of the American branch of the Ustase, the Home Defenders. Jelic was imprisoned in London a few years later when the newly-formed Independent State of Croatia declared war on Britain. After the war, he led one of the most moderate offshoots of the Ustase movement based in Germany.

DR. JELIC WINS IN COURT
Berlin Physician Gains Right to Apply to Enter U.S. Again


Dr. Branimir Jelic, a well-to-do Berlin physician, won the right to another chance for permission to enter this country as a visitor under a decision handed down yesterday by the United States Circuit Court of Appeals. Dr. Jelic came here in February from Hungary, but has been excluded on the ground that he had not shown himself to be here purely as a visitor.

The decision under which Dr. Jelic will either be allowed to enter or at least receive another hearing was written by Judge Charles E. Clark, with Judge Thomas W. Swan concurring and Judge Harris B. Chase dissenting. The court referred to a letter from Yugoslav authorities saying that Dr. Jelic had come here to arouse discontent among Yugoslavians, but held that he was entitled to a fair hearing on that and other points.

Branimir Jelic Arrested at U.S. Customs, February 1939 (New York Times)

Title: News Excerpt: Croat Leader in Hospital
Source: New York Times, February 18, 1939.
Date: February 18, 1939


News Excerpt: Croat Leader in Hospital

The Amerian branch of the Ustase movement, the Domobranci or "Home Defenders," came under increasing scrutiny as Europe edged closer to war. In 1939, Dr. Branimir "Branko" Jelic made a visit to the United States to help organize the Home Defenders. He was arrested at customs and, per the news release below, hospitalized after he began a short-lived hunger strike to protest his imprisonment.


CROAT LEADER IN HOSPITAL

Dr. Jelic in 2d Day of Hunger Strike on Ellis Island

Dr. Branimir Jelic, a leader in the Croatian independence movement, was in the hospital yesterday at Ellis Island after the second day of a hunger strike over his detention there. Dr. Jelic has been held since Feb. 3 because his passport apparently was not in order, according to Byron H. Uhl, Director of Immigration.

Mr. Uhl said he believed Dr. Jelic arrived here from Germany. He said the doctor started the hunger strike Wednesday and that on Thursday night, when he complained of being "weak," was taken to the hospital.

The latest report from the hospital was that Dr. Jelic was taking liquid nourishment and that, if this continued, he would soon be back on a normal diet, Mr. Uhl said.

The immigration official denied, however, that force had been used. The entry of Dr. Jelic into this country is now before officials in Washington.

Pavelic: Ten Years of Struggle in the Homeland

Title: Pavelic: Ten Years of Struggle in the Homeland
Source: Vecernje List, January 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 1999.
Translated by Sinisa Djuric.



The following is a translation of a news article in the Croatian paper Vecernji List, serialized over the span of several days in January 1999. The author's sympathies are clear, though he quotes extensively Pavelic's own words from one of the multitude of "autobiographies" authorized by Pavelic's sole surviving sibling - his sister Visnja in Madrid, Spain. The article is presented unabridged.




Ante Pavelic: "ADVENTURES II - TEN YEARS OF STRUGGLE IN THE HOMELAND 1918 - 1929"

by Zeljko Kruselj

The dream of Croatian autonomy was brutally shattered by Regent Aleksandar

Pavelic's Dozivljaji II, with the subtitle "Ten years of struggle in the homeland 1918-1929", begins with the description of repressive measures of Belgrade authorities against Croatian pro-statehood parties, in which the bloodshed of 5. December in Zagreb on Ban Jelacic Square had a significant role. The core of his "revolutionary organization" Pavelic sees in the group of Austro-Hungarian officers who believed after the end of World War I that Croatia "will become free and independent":


"Among them general staff colonels Stjepan Duic, Ivo Percevic and Slavko Kvaternik especially stood out. All three of them were known in the army of Austro-Hungarian Empire as officers of great abilities and courage. These three Croatian officers were at one time very much respected by the heir to the Habsburg throne, archduke Franz Ferdinand, who was killed by Serbians in 1914 in Sarajevo. The decision of archduke Franz Ferdinand to reform the Habsburg Empire in the form of trialism - which meant to completely equalize Croatia, Austria and Hungary in the great empire, was made after advices and influence of general - colonel, baron Stjepan Sarkotic, general Muhaljevic, colonels Duic and Percevic."


The first step - organizing the work abroad

"Their first step", Pavelic continues, "after the end of the war in 1918 was to immediately contact Dr. Horvat (Aleksandar, the president of Croatian Party of Rights - Z.K.). Owing to the fact that Dr. Horvat had already resigned because of well known events in October 1918, these officers met with me. In conversations we had in the office of Dr. Horvat I presented to them the political position of Croatia the way it appeared after the Overthrow and betrayal of the 'National Council'. We discussed about the possibility of action and came to the conclusion that at that moment not much could be done within the new state, the condition that might change in time, as soon as the initial storm is over. We agreed that it would be useful to try to work abroad. (...) We were aware that the Croatian people will not allow to be crushed under the Serbian yoke, even if there won't be any chances for the political struggle and success, commotion and revolutionary attempts will not be avoided. For this sort of activities an emigre central abroad could be of a great benefit.

"Colonels Stjepan Duic and Ivan Percevic decided to remain abroad and in a short period of time managed to settle in Graz and Viena; there they founded the Croatian Committee headed by general - colonel, baron Stjepan Sarkotic, the last chief of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

"Colonel Slavko Kvaternik in the first days, until 5. December - during the reign of the 'National Council', was prone to believe that Croatia will be given a certain autonomy, and that officers, who would wish so, would be accepted into the new army, while in the meantime there were rumors that Croatian officers will not be accepted. On those rumors colonel Kvaternik traveled to Belgrade and asked for an audience with the Serbian regent Aleksandar, to negotiate their acceptance into the army, which on the occasion of that audience Aleksandar solemnly promised. However, when he returned to Zagreb, he found a decree at his home, the regent's decree, by which he was informed the first, that his application to be accepted into the army is declined. Kvaternik quickly realized that all hopes of an autonomy were futile."


The ban on HSP activities

"When I started to re-organize the local party organization, among the party members several Croatian officers stood out with their decisiveness and zeal and especially with their revolutionary spirit. When we discussed about the needs and ways of actions, I told them in confidence about the existence of the mentioned committee in Viena. We have decided to form a revolutionary group which will contact the Committee. As the leader of that group Rudolf Vidak was elected, a man in his thirties, who stood out in the past with his activities in our party even before the war. He was persecuted, imprisoned and sentenced to two years of prison. I had confidence in him, because while I was still a student at the University, and he was a worker, we participated in various actions and conflicts with our opponents. (...)

"At that time the president of the party Dr. Vladimir Prebeg and parliament deputy Dr. Josip Pazman were in prison, and the former president of the party Dr. Aleksandar Horvat had to retire and didn't take part in public in political activities of the party. Although the 'National Council' seemingly banned the Croatian Party of Rights, still its entire political activities went with some sort of a sponsorship of Dr. Horvat, while the activities of the secret organization and the revolutionary group were headed by myself.

"When we received a message from Vienna, by a secret channel and by a messenger of the Croatian Committee, it was agreed for the parliament deputy Dr. Ivo Frank, the son of Dr. Josip Frank, the deceased president of the party, to go into emigration; one of Zagreb revolutionary groups moved him abroad immediately. (...) However, news kept arriving from Viena that Dr. Ivo Frank did not succeed to usefully associate himself with exiled Croatian officers, so due to that the work was obstructed and we couldn't count on a serious success. Dr. Ivo Frank then settled in Budapest and later retired from political work. Because of that in February 1920 in an agreement with Dr. Aleksandar Horvat I had decided to go to Viena and meet with the Committee, to find out the real situation. For me it wasn't simple to get a passport for the new Republic of Austria, moreover because the activities of the Croatian Committee in Viena were already well known, and both the government in Belgrade and the police in Zagreb were very much alarmed by these activities. I had to cross the border illegally. I traveled by train to Maribor. The messenger of the Committee waited for me there, with whom I crossed the border by night over a hill, and then we continued our journey to Vienna by train."


The agreement in Vienna

"In Viena I met with general - colonel Sarkotic and colonels Duic and Percevic and for several days we discussed everything that was of interest at that time. We have decided to preserve the Committee abroad, and in the homeland the core of the revolutionary organization, that we organized, because the course of events went in the direction for which we were sure that would require the both kinds of activities, as we have already anticipated. The Communist regime of Bela Kun, however, didn't last long and as soon as it was overthrown, colonel Stjepan Duic managed to establish a camp in Hungary near Viszvar, not far away from the river Drava, where Croatian soldiers were collected who didn't want to serve in the Serbian army, and who deserted to Hungary with the help of our revolutionary group in Zagreb and its branches that were already created in the province. These military fugitives were settled in Hungary as agriculture workers, but they permanently maintained contacts with our revolutionary organization in Zagreb."


Beating by the law
Pavelic amply writes about economic impoverishment of Croatia, which the Belgrade authorities systematically performed immediately after the proclamation of the common state, from unfair changing of krunas into dinars and replacement of Croatian clerks with Serbian newcomers to the compulsory stigmatizing of cattle. His description of military and police terror towards Croats is also very detailed, in which he emphasized the beating of victims:


"Only during the first year of existence of the new state policemen have beaten tens of thousands of peasants for political reasons. Serbian policemen weren't occupied much by public work and safety. Their main task was to suppress every, even the least Croatian manifestation. For every word that would remind of Croatian nationality or discontent with political or economical situation, the policemen would take away the unfortunate 'criminal' into a police station and sentence him immediately to beating from 25 to 50 times. They would throw him at the floor, and first beat him 'by the law', and then 'at ease' policemen would stomp over him with their feet. These 'laws' were also applied on peasants in whose houses they would find even a trace of a Croatian national emblem or flag, a photograph of a national leader from the past or present, any Croatian newspapers or an old year-book framed in the Croatian flag, or if they didn't want to shout 'long live the king' when the policemen would demand. The 'criminal' wasn't always taken to the station, but they would often beat him 'at the scene of the crime' - in front of his whole family, women and children."


Subsequent description of events
Dozivljaji II of Dr. Ante Pavelic, the future Ustase Poglavnik, were produced from 1946-1948 in Italy, therefore after his repeated exile. The text was originally written in Italian and it was subsequently translated and in word root spelling mostly published in the paper "Hrvatska", an organ of South-American Croats, printed in Buenos Aires.

Pavelic while writing his memoirs, which have certain literary values that cannot be denied, dind't have at his disposal the necessary documentation, it is emphasized that Pavelic "has no scientific pretensions, not even historical, nor it is his intention to write history", but just to "outline with his own descriptions some of his adventures and mark them with Croatian - statehood and his personal political and statesman conceptions". This means that in these memoirs there are many blanks and intentional omissions of some controversial events, but also intentional political mystification and myth-making. "Dozivljaji II" for all layers of readers, but also for experts are still interesting as a testimony of one era when the Croatian national problem wasn't solved only by democratic means, but also by a conflict of totalitarian ideologies. Moreover, in these memoirs it can be seen that even Pavelic in the first ten years of existence of the Yugoslav state believed in the possibility of an agreement with Serbian authorities, but the proclamation of Sixth - January Dictatorship, as he emphasizes several times, completely disproved it.

The publisher of Dozivljaji II is a Zagreb publishing house "Vratna Gora", and its December promotion is timed as an admonition of "80th anniversary of betrayal and surrendering of thousand years old Croatian state to the Kingdom of Serbia".



[Part Two]


Radic was a great man, but he was a Russophile
It can be noticed that Pavelic persistently emphasizes the danger of Communism in his memoirs, seeing in that movement "dangerous and anational formula". For future Ustase Poglavnik the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was "the first Yugoslav party" which placed such geographic determination in its name full ten years before the common state was officially named that way:


"Yugoslavism denies nationalies of entire three nations, that is four, bearing in mind that Bulgarians are considered as southern Slavs and other fractions and minorities living in those lands... Yugoslavia, a completely fabricated state formula, that never existed in the past, denies and erases continuity of state and political past of the nations that consist it, and therefore it is at the same time the best ally of Communism and Bolsevism. There, that is why Russian Communist propaganda was the first to invent the name 'Yugoslavia' for a forcible conglomerate of countries and nations."


Radic - a great Russophile
Pavelic shows how repulsive the Communist idea to him was with a description of political atmosphere prior to the local elections in March 1920, when he closely cooperated with Stjepan Radic. The leader of HSS he considered as a man of "great intelligence and restless temper" and a "great Russophile" who allegedly dreamed about the "unity of the Slavic world":


"Not only because of opposition to the annexation regime, but also because of the Communist danger I have decided to unite Croatian parties on elections. I spoke with Stjepan Radic and with representatives of the new party Croatian Union [Hrvatska Zajednica], which was in the beginning joined even by the dentist Pavelic (On 1. December 1918 he read the decision of uniting to the regent! - Z.K.), who had been removed already at that time, because the new leadership of the party realized that his personality is harmful for the party itself. The new electoral list wasn't achieved because of several reasons, however between these three parties an atmosphere of tolerance was created, so there was no electoral struggle between us, but that struggle developed with us united on one side and on the other Communists and followers of Svetozar Pribicevic, who at the same time supported the Communist party.

"One day I was told that the next Sunday afternoon Communists will hold a large rally in Vrabac, a municipality in Zagreb suburbs... It was my opinion that this could affect the outcome of elections in the city of Zagreb itself, in case Communists win in that municipality. I had decided to see Stjepan Radic. I expressed my concern to him in a conversation and told him that it is necessary for us to act together in Vrabac and to prevent Communists from seducing the voters over there. Radic accepted my proposal right away, so tomorrow we went together to Vrabac. We have arrived there just when the Communist rally started. When the first Communist speaker finished his speech, I asked that both Radic and myself be allowed to speak. Communist speakers didn't allow us to speak, but I stood up on one rock and asked the people if they would let us speak. All present peasants replied unanimously: yes! I held a short introductory speech, and then helped Radic to stand up on the rock. It was well known that Radic had a poor sight, so he always needed help.

"I described this event, which as many others had its repercussions. Stjepan Radic spoke with insulting words about the monarchy and against the dinasty of Karadjordjevics - against both the king and regent. These attacks repeated several times on Radic's rallies, so the Belgrade regime started to persecute his party and Radic himself, who was soon afterwards sentenced to prison (to two and a half years in prison - Z.K.)."


The theatrical arrest of Pavelic
In the beginning of 1921 a really theatrical arrest of Pavelic followed. The author describes in details what was being "conspired" back then, wanting to emphasize his almost daily activity on the destabilization of the greater Serbian regime:


"On one night the party meeting was being held in the 'Vodopivec' restaurant in Meduliceva street. Thereat Stipe Javor notified me that two peasants, supporters and propagators of the Peasant Party, came to him and told him they want to go to emigration, because they were disappointed in their party, in which they invested so much. Both of them were known as honorable peasants and good patriots, so I told Javor that he can send them off and entrust them to Andrija Medar who will get them over them border, which was later done. After several months one of them was entrusted with the task to return to the homeland and to deliver a certain explosive, which had to be used at a certain time. However, Mirko Marcinko, was arrested while crossing the border and then incarcerated."
The mentioned Marcinko was also found with a letter with a manuscript of Dr. Milan Sufflay, so that was the reason for the well known process against this Croatian Party of Rights intellectual and historian, when his associate Rudolf Vidak and about ten more "revolutionaries" were also accused. The police also prepared an ambush for Pavelic himself.



The ambush at Vidak's

"At that moment my fiancee (Marija Lovrencevic - Z.K.) came to my lawyer's office, because we had to go together to the Art Pavilion, where the annual party of the Civic Club of our renewed Croatian Party of Rights was being held. I asked her to come with me to see Mrs. Vidak, so we went to the Tkalciceva street where Vidak had his shop. When I entered the shop I saw Vidak's wife alone, and just when I was about to ask her what is going on, I heard a strong swish, the door opened suddenly and several Serbian soldiers broke into the shop with bayonets on their rifles, pointed at me, my fiancee and Vidak's wife. Some man in a civilian suit was also with them, who pointed a gun at me and savagely shouted - You are under arrest! We finally have you! At the same moment another man in a civilian suit came in with handcuffs for my arms. I remained calm, but the hands of that man were shivering so much that he was unable to handcuff me. I told him: - Easy, easy! Calm down, because upset like that you won't be able to do it...

"Realizing how futile it was to strain he told me: - Promise that you won't run, and I'll give it up.

"'I can't promise you anything, but as there are so many of you and as you are well armed, I think I won't be able to run away.'

"(...) Vidak's wife, my fiancee and me they took outside to the street, where we were surrounded by a platoon of about twenty soldiers with bayonets on their rifles. The procession was on the move. They took us through Ilica, the main street in Zagreb, which was full of by-passers, because that was the time of usual evening walks. People stopped and observed this, for Zagreb, a strange scene: two women, five or six men - surrounded and escorted by about twenty soldiers fully equipped for combat, parading between two lines of spectators - who didn't know whether to laugh to such a brave strategy of the "beloved Serbian army' or to pity that cowardly action. On the way to the City Command they searched our pockets. They found Croatian flag ribbons at my fiancee, that she used to make cockades for our annual Croatian Party of Rights party, so that was another reason of their exhilaration for this 'successful' operation.

"In the building of the City Command they took us to the commander, Serbian colonel Dragomir Nikolajevic, to whom the agent Nikola Hajdukovic proudly submitted a report by saying that he captured all criminals, even their boss Pavelic! - pointing his finger at me..."
As the police couldn't find any serious evidence for an indictment, Pavelic was soon released. At the trial on which he defended Vidak, his client and Sufflay were sentenced to several years of prison.



[PART THREE]


Pavelic and Pasic unanimous in mocking Trumbic's Yugoslavism
Ante Pavelic contacted Serbian politicians on several occasions. Moreover, it can be noticed in his writings that he tried, together with Stjepan Radic, to make an agreement about the peaceful separation of Croatian and Serbian territories and interests, but under the given circumstances that could not end with positive results. Radical Stojan Protic made first contacts with the Croatian Party of Rights, the only one who pledged for federal division of Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes after the Vidovdan constitution, and with him in 1921 Radical Party parliament deputy Momcilo Ivanic also came to Zagreb:


"Chaplain Rittig offered to invite Protic and Ivanic for dinner, and Stjepan Radic was also present at the dinner, but also several of us representatives of other parties in the bloc. Svetozar Rittig belonged to the Croatian Union, but he was always a supporter of a union with Serbia, even under much more unfavorable conditions than federalists themselves asked for. (...) After Ritting Stjepan Radic spoke. He commended chaplain Ritting, who spoke the way a host must speak with his guests, but he said that a deep pit has been dug out between Serbs and Croats, and that Protic with all of his good will doesn't even represent 'a single common girt' over which you could cross - the differences are so big, contradictions and different interests, so a completely different orientation of the entire Serbian politics would be necessary to bury that pit.

"Others who were present also said some things. I mentioned that only the recognition of complete Croatian state independence by Serbia could open the road to creating good relations and common interests between both our nations. (...) We parted cordially. Stojan Protic was pleased with our sincerity, so we agreed to preserve the contact, which Stjepan Radic did for a while, but that connection was impossible to preserve because his own Radical Party in Serbia pushed him aside, so he lost all influence on Serbian politics.

"The other attempt happened a year later (1922 - Z.K.), when one day, early in the morning, a man came to my lawyer's office, dressed like citizens of small Serbian towns, that is dressed in something between a citizen's and peasant's suit. He introduced himself to me as Pavle Andjelic, parliament deputy of Serbian Democratic Party, and told me that he was sent by the president of his party, professor Ljuba Davidovic, with the intention to contact Croatian politicians. (...)

"I contacted Radic over the telephone and we agreed that I would bring Andjelic to him tomorrow to his apartment, where we would have a conversation. Pavle Andjelic interpreted to us that Ljuba Davidovic would like to re-establish contact with us in order to reach an agreement between him and Radic, between his party and the Croatian Bloc. The agreement was supposed pertain to the most important points: changing the the state policy and in that way achieving reconciliation of both nations. Stjepan Radic replied that he is prepared to consider the possibility of an agreement, based on mutual understanding, which could satisfy both sides and lead to reconciliation. He asked Andjelic to inform Davidovic about his position. At the end of the conversation a brief statement was composed, which was signed by all three of us. This statement caused fierce debates in Serbia and it was a subject for Belgrade newspapers for a week, but it was also soon forgotten.

"We interpreted this whole thing that the Belgrade political circles at that moment didn't have serious intentions, but that they wanted to negotiate for another reason. Belgrade, with all other things, on one hand needed to prove to France and England their good will with a reconciliation with Croats, and on the other they needed to point out that Croats are not so uncompromising in the matter of the common state, since it was beginning to be the general opinion abroad."


The strongest personality in Serbian political history
From Pavelic's writings it is easy to notice that he was fascinated by "eminent" Nikola Pasic, "the strongest personality of the Serbian political history". He described his biography in details and his merit for the development of the Serbian state, at the same time regretting Croats never had a politician of his qualities in promoting their interests. That is why Pavelic was honored when Pasic invited him to Belgrade in 1925 through his personal secretary prof. Djordje Jelenic. Pavelic's party comrade Milan Sufflay was also present at that meeting.


"The old Nikola Pasic, with a patriarchal look with his long and white beard, dressed very elegantly, received us very politely. After a short introductory speech Pasic immediately moved on to politics and asked me how are things with us in Croatia and what do people think there about politics and the state. I replied literally:

"'President, sir, as you asked me that, I will tell you with simple words the real truth, especially because you must already know that I am completely uninterested about any benefits from this conversation - because we in our political program cannot and do not want to be in any government combinations in this state.

"'Surely you have already been told by various Croats, politicians of all kinds, that there is this or that faction in Croatia for the common state, for state unity with Serbia and national unity with the Serbian people. Allow me to tell you that none of those who said such things did tell you the truth. There is nobody in Croatia who supports state unity and even less for the national unity, except some gentlemen who would want to have personal benefit from it. The Croatian people do not want that unity, and even less they want to hear about Yugoslavism and about some Yugoslav state. They respect the Serbian people and want their Croatian nationality to be respected as well. Slavism is 'a completely unknown term for the Croatian people, and Croats never thought of themselves as Slavs and futhermore it is inconceivable that they could suddenly accept a foreign and unknown name - Yugoslavs.'"


A nation by the meridian

"Pasic carefully listened to my words, stroked his long white beard, then stood up and came closer to the fireplace, and stoked the fire a little, and then he again sat down, looked at me and said:

"'I knew that! When we were on Corfu there were consultations how to name the nation and how to name the state, and these Trumbics of yours wanted it to be called the Yugoslav nation and the state Yugoslavia, but I said - it cannot be a nation by the meridian. So, there, that's why it's called the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes!'

"As a witty man, Nikola Pasic couldn't characterize the lust of Yugoslavism better, which deliriously possessed some Croats and their parties to impose on the nations of ancient national names a new, geographical name, so he called that abortion - a nation by the meridian! After that we spoke with each other some more and then parted. (...)

"My private visit to Nikola Pasic was noted even in the Serbian newspapers, so in Zagreb among enemies and traitors, even among members of the Peasant Party, there were all kinds of comments. But that couldn't change my or the attitude of our party at all, as a Croat, to openly express the position and feelings of the Croatian people in a conversation with the most important Serbian political leader."
Pavelic here consciously omits the context of his and Sufflay's contacts with that "great Serbian man and politician". Judging by the previous historical researches, the leaders of HSP didn't only exchange opinions about Yugoslavism with Serbian radicals, but from 1925 - 1926 they tried to impose themselves as the leading political force in Croatia. Radic's recognition of the monarchy and the removal of the Republican determination from the name of HSS they considered a national treason, to which they tried to respond by creating a political party which would be a counterpart to Serbian radicals.

According to a contemporary of these events, Josip Horvat, this is why Sufflay planned the forming of Croatian People's Radical Party, hoping that Belgrade would then more easily accept the negotiations for the final solution of the Croatian question. Sufflay even wrote a manifesto of a sort of the "Croatian radicals" which Pavelic certainly had to be familiar with, as he defended him from accusations of other Croatian parties, but that idea didn't come to a serious aproval in Belgrade either, so it was soon abandoned.



[PART FOUR]


Dalmatia: the price for Mussolini's support for Pavelic
In June 1927, only a few days after he was elected for the vice-president of Croatian Party of Rights, Pavelic was chosen as a representative of Zagreb to be present at the International Congress of Cities in Paris. As Pavelic always had problems getting a passport he used that voyage to negotiate a solution of the Croatian question directly with a member of the leadership of Mussolini's Fascist Party. By looking at it from the international context, that was also a direct answer to intensive pro-Yugoslav policy of France and Great Britain. Pavelic, however, very vaguely describes his Italian episode, though it proved to be the crucial point for the creation and development of the Ustase movement.


"On the way to Paris I stopped in Viena and visited the members of the Croatian Committee, general Stjepan Sarkotic and colonel Ivan Percevic. We also invited colonel Stjepan Duic from Graz by a telegram to this meeting. At that moment the activity of the Committee consisted of continuous observation of the development of European politics, in order to always be prepared to help to the benefit of the homeland, and to that purpose it maintained versatile contacts with political and diplomatic representatives in Viena and readily informed them about the condition of things they considered to be important for our mutual political activity. I expounded my intention to them, that on the return from Paris I will pass through Rome, where I would stay for several days and where I would try to contact any factor through which I could obtain confidential information about relations of Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

"General - colonel Sarkotic and colonels Percevic and Duic decided to immediately contact people from the Italian embassy in Viena, with whom they maintained contact, and that they will inform me in Paris which person I could talk with in Rome.


Aide-mémoire for Mussolini

"After the Congress in Paris was over I went to Rome where I stayed in the Hotel Rora, as we agreed in Viena. There a journalist Dr. Roberto Forges Davanzati looked for me, the editor of Roman daily 'La Tribuna' and a member of the High Council of the Fascist Party. We talked in his private apartment. I told him what I wanted to know about the relations between Italy and the Kingdom of SCS and what are the perspectives for the future of those relations. I explained to him the political situation in the Kingdom of SCS and told him about the relations of our Croatian parties and especially about the unswerving position and determination of our Croatian Party of Rights to win our state independence not only by internal oposition, but also by cooperation with all enslaved nationalities, that are included in that artificial state, counting on moral support of neighboring nations. Regarding the consideration of eventual moral aid, I asked that Italy stops anti-Croatian territorial demands, because the Belgrade regime is using such propaganda, that the basic reason of their Serbo-Yugoslav politics against Italy is their seeming defense of terrirorial integrity of Croatia regarding Dalmatia. Dr. Forges Davanzati told me that Fascism considers the recent Adriatic dispute over.

"Knowing that other individuals tried to contact Italian representatives too, I warned Dr Roberto Forges Davanzati if anyone else would come in the name of our party and ask for any kind of material benefit from that, they would be repudiated by such attempt, because that is not consistent with our principle activity. On the second meeting a day later, Forges Davanzati notified me how the situation seems to them and how are they judging the future develpment of events. From his words I got a confirmation of what I predicted, that is, that the relations between Rome and Belgrade could deteriorate, which would sooner or later lead to serious conflicts. We decided to maintain a discrete contact through Mrs. Davanzati. The sister of Mrs. Forges Davanzati is married to a higher official of the ministry of foreign affairs of Italy, the diplomat - Paolo Cortese. The conversation with Dr. Roberto Forfes Davanzati was an oportunity for me to inform myself better and to evoke interest in Italy among those whose interest depended on our cause."
Pavelic omits the fact that on those negotiations he gave an aide-mémoire to Davanzati for Mussolini, in which he offered Italy to be a kind of a mentor and protector of the Croatian struggle for independence. The price that Croatia would pay for the destruction of the Yugoslav state would be the unconditional recogition of Italian "right on domination on the Adriatic", then "the right to use natural wealth of Balkan for the needs of Italian overpopulated country", and the readiness to adjust Croats to the "sphere of Italian interests, both politically and economically, but also militarily."

Pavelic even went a step further claiming that Croatia is prepared to "waive from keeping a navy on the Adriatic, if Italy would wish to take upon itself the protection of the Croatian coast", "to concede to Italy to that purpose Boka Kotorska with all mountains that are strategically important for the territories of Dalmatia and Herzegovina", "to give Italy in the field of economy all concessions" and finally he didn't even lack the promise that "Croatia waives from buiding a trade port for a certain number of years, which is to be determined, in order not to obstruct the development of Rijeka". Croatian historians, notably Dr. Jere Jareb, claim that the omitted aide-mémoire was the "seed, from which Roman Accords later grew out of".



The trip to Hungary and Bulgaria
The same year Pavelic, in accord with the politics of the Viena Croatian Committee, went to Budapest, because Hungary was trying in every way to neutralize the politics of the Little Entante (The Kingdom of SCS, Romania and Czechoslovakia), which was created for the purpose of preventing the return of the Habsburg dinasty to power. Of course, Pavelic also omits here that he was negotiating about the illegal supplying of weapons and about Hungarian help in the aim to include Italy as intensively as possible in the solution of the Croatian problem:


"After my first appearance in the Belgrade Parliament I returned to Zagreb and travelled the same night with my wife to Budapest. In Budapest I had the oportunity to immediately talk with Hungarian politicians and parliament deputies. I visited the Hungarian regent Nikola Horty and general staff officer Gyul Gombos, with whom I had a long time friendship even from the time before the World War, when he was stationed in Zagreb. I introduced all these individuals with intentions and decisions of our party, that is, with insurmaountable rights of the Croatian people for their liberty and independence. On that occassion I used the oportunity to visit the former parliament deputy of the Croatian Party of Rights Dr. Ivica Frank and Mrs. Frank, with whom we were occupied for long in a friendly conversation."


He can't read Serbian
In December 1927 Pavelic went as a lawyer to Skoplje, where in a trial he tried to defend members of pro-Bulgarian IMRO, on a accused on a show trial for terrorism. Pavelic's stay in Skoplje couldn't pass without a political incident:


"On the last night of my stay in Skoplje, I was on a dinner in the restaurant of the hotel where I was staying. Two Macedonian lawyers were with me... When a waiter gave me a menu, I looked at it and returned it to him right away, asking him to read me the meals, because I couldn't read them. The waiter smiled, picked one meal and served it to us right away. After dinner I stayed with my Macedonian lawyer friends until leaving to the train station... A couple of days later, on the return from Sofia, a friend of mine passing through Zagreb brought me Belgrade newspapers, which had detailed articles about the event in Skoplje and about the 'severe incident' I committed in that Skoplje restaurant by telling the waiter that I can't read Serbian and that my statement disturbed many guests in the restaurant that was 'full of people', and who reacted on that by kicking me out of the restaurant. I laughed! (...)

"For several weeks in Belgrade cabarets a comical song was being sung about 'the deputy of the Belgrade parliament, who travelled all over Serbia not understanding Serbian language'! After that I also became the favorite subject of caricatures of one Zagreb newspapers."


[PART FIVE]


Punisa Racic shot with a pistol Croatian deputies from the parliament speaker's pulpit undisturbed
Pavelic's parliament mandate in Belgrade national parliament coincided with the most dramatic events in Croatian-Serbian relations. In his writings he described that atmosphere of intolerance as "real hell", which "was impossible to calm down". He considered that the ultimate goal was creating a government with a "general as the president... and one arbitrary amputation of Croatia, which was to be performed by the king himself and by which the most of Croatia would remain in Yugoslavia". That part of Pavelic's memoirs is certainly the most interesting:


"My speeches were not excluded from protests of Serbian deputies and ministers, but one deputy of Serbian Radical Party had a special task, to interupt me and raise his voice, whenever I would mention Croatian independence. He was deputy Punisa Racic. He stood in front of the speaker's pulpit and interupted me, and in the end against all expectations he confirmed that I'm right.


The struggle for greater Serbia

"When I once said that this country is nothing else but greater Serbia, Punisa Racic shouted: You are right, I want greater Serbia! Further during my speech, when they heckled me that they liberated us, I replied:

"'Yes, you liberated us from our money, our property, our whole economy, our civilization, our freedom and everything we had! (...) It was clear that something was being prepared."
Pavelic's description of the assassination of Stjepan Radic and deputies of HSS sugests a theory of a carefully planned conspiracy of the king and greater Serbian circles:


"I was sitting in the Parliament (19. june 1928. - Z.K.) as always in the last bench of the far left side. In the evening, after a short rest, Punisa Racic came to me holding a paper in his hand and said: - Look, I'm collecting signatures to put Radic in a nut house! - No need! - I replied him - he's already in it. Where can you find a bigger nut house than this Parliament, where there are whispers and talks, that some day even blood will be spilled in it! He looked at me with a hairy eyeball and said: Don't worry, nothing will ever happen to you! - Punisa, what is the meaning of this conversation? - I noticed. - Nothing, you are for greater Croatia, and I'm for greater Serbia! Bye!

"At that moment the chairman's bell rang and Punisa went away. After this session I found parliament deputy of the Peasant Party Markotic in the lobby and I told him that it seems that something is being prepared and that the rumors that Stjepan Radic should be removed are not just rumors and that it is necessary to be on alert. He replied me that he talked to Radic and that he doesn't believe that the matter is that serious.


He shot standing behind the speaker's pulpit

"The next day was 20. June. I entered the Parliament around half past eleven, and the session had already started. Parliament benches were almost full, while the record from the previous session was being verified. After verification of the protocol of the last session there was a strange silence, and then the chairman Ninko Peric announced that Punisa Racic asked to speak and wants to respond to a personal insult from the last session. Punisa stood up, but not to speak from his seat, as it was a rule to respond to personal remarks, but he came out on the speaker's pulpit. He was followed by deputy Jovanovic, 'duke Lune,' who stood behind him.

"The words of Punisa Racic gave the impression that he wants to start an incident with anyone, and when one deputy heckled him about something regarding his undertaking against rich Muslim beys in Macedonia, Punisa asked him to repeat what he said, which the other did, and he immediately fired the first shot at him, then he leaned his pistol on his left arm to aim better and he looked at Radic, who was sitting in the bench of the first row, five or six feet away from the pulpit, he shot an arm of the deputy of the Peasant Party who was sitting nest to Radic, and he shot Radic himself. Deputy of the Peasant Party Djuro Basaricek stood up, shouted something waving with his arms, when Punisa shot him mortally. At that moment Radic's nephew Pavle Radic stood in front of the pulpit when Punisa shouted at him: - Just the man I was looking for! - and shot him with a second shot. After that he shouted: Long live Serbia! He came down from the pulpit and together with 'duke Lune' left the parliament. The chairman rang, and he went out too."


The murder - the excuse for dictatorship

"At first all deputies remained on their seats like petrified, but after the last shot the room emptied soon. Several deputies rushed to help the wounded Stjepan Radic, and holding him under his arms they carried him out. An ambulance drove Radic and both other wounded deputies to a hospital, while other parliament clerks carried the other two deputies who were killed at the spot. (...)

"Two things immediately come to mind. Stjepan Radic was elected a member of a parlamentary delegation that was to go abroad in those days and participate (in Paris) on an Interparliamentary Congress, but the chairman of the parliament in all ways he could obstructed the departure of this delegation. Radic's departure could not be allowed, because everything was prepared for the crime. They only waited for a convenient oportunity. (...)

"Why exactly in the parliament? Aleksandar already had the intention to install his dictatorship believing that only with it he could crush the Croatian resistance against the common state and Croatian unconditional demand for state independence. Punisa Racic and his comrades could have shot him anywhere and anytime they wanted in Belgrade, but the assassination had to be executed in the parliament so that the king could justify before the outside world the abolishing of the constitution and establishment of the dictatorship, showing that you cannot rule with a parliament in which murders are being carried out. (...)


The world condemned the murder leniently

"The crime caused a deep impression in the whole world. Someone asked the Belgrade minister of foreign affairs Vojislav Marinkovic: - what will the civilized world say about his outrageous crime in the parliament? The virtuous Serbian minister replied cynically: - What will they say? In Europe there will be noise for a few weeks, and then the whole thing will be forgotten!... Minister Vojislav Marinkovic was right! The outside world and public opinion described and condemned the criminal event in the parliament, but that was all!"
Pavelic claims that the parliament assasination was exactly the necessary turning point in the way of Croatian struggle against Belgrade: "Whereas the political means used until then were hopeless to their purposes, I believed that they would try in the future to openly and exclusively use - force! That is why from our side it was necessary to prepare adequate defense... But all of that needed to be focused to create an organization that will lead the action and prevent that human and moral capital from exhausting in separate local and useless actions; an organization that could lead a successful struggle through a long period of time and always with intensified activity until the situation matures for the final blow and for the final goal of liberation. I then created the formal outline of the organization - Ustasa; and with this word the nature and the purpose of the organization is defined. The word revolution is determined in Croatian with the word - prevrat [overthrow], a term that didn't suit our case, because the Croatian people didn't want an internal revolution, but liberation of their homeland under foreign yoke, and that cannot be achieved by a revolution, but by an uprising of the entire people."



A "Drunk" hindered a policeman
About ten days after Sixth January Dictatorship of Belgrade was declared, Pavelic decided to leave the country because he was under constant police surveillance. Becuase the validity of his passport was expired, he chose to cross to Italy over Susak bridge, in which he was aidedby his associates Malivuk and Lisac:


"When we arrived at the bridge, Lisac went first to the border guard who checked passports, and asked him to let him pass. The policeman, of course, didn't want to hear about it, but as Lisac insisted and started hugging the guard - and pretending to be drunk, started begging him to let him pass at list for a minute, and that he will return right away. The scene was very amusing, other guards and idle by-passers observed him and laughed. While Lisac bothered the policeman, people passed and showed him their passports, and I did the same by showing him an open passport. The policeman, constantly hindered by Lisac, didn't have time to check the validity of my passport; he stamped it while I was still holding it, and I went to the other side of the bridge. Italian clerks of the border control, although at the other side of the bridge, were amused by the scene that was performed by Lisac and the policeman. I showed them my passport. When they saw the Italian visa on it, they stamped it too and I found myself fortunately on the other side of both borders."